True Lithuania

Partisan leader Ramanauskas-Vanagas buried amidst fanfare

2018 10 06. Amidst one of the biggest state funerals in Lithuania, the leader of Lithuanian anti-Soviet partisans Adolfas Ramanauskas-Vanagas has been buried in Vilnius today. Adolfas Ramanauskas-Vanagas was effectively the leader of the Lithuanian partisan movement since 1951.

While Ramanauskas-Vanagas was tortured, mutilated and then murdered by Soviets back in 1957, Soviets buried him in an unmarked grave so he would never become a target for reverence. The Soviets have failed, however, as this year the remains were located and identified using modern technologies and DNA testing. They were now reburied in a much more respected location.

Troops leads Vanagas's coffin in Antakalnio street

Troops leads Vanagas's coffin in Antakalnio street

The funeral took two days, with Ramanauskas-Vanagas coffin being held in St. Johns church the first day. Then, on Saturday, a Holy Mass was held in Vilnius Cathedral followed by a funerary procession to Antakalnis Cemetery where several thousand soldiers, priests, and ordinary people have participated.

In a graveside speech today, president of Lithuania Dalia Grybauskaitė has also condemned all the ongoing attempts to smear the Lithuanian freedom fighters and expressed her gladness that so many people came and, with their numbers, proved that they understand the Lithuanian freedom fighters for who they were - fighters against the occupation of Lithuania.

The mass of people that follows the coffin

The mass of people that follows the coffin

The "fight for the memory of partisans" explained

The main story that influenced this Grybauskaitė's remark was that of controversial writer's Rūta Vanagaitė's accusations earlier this year that Ramanauskas-Vanagas was collaborating with the Soviet regime (she attacked many other Lithuanian freedom fighters in a similar fashion). Such accusations drew a widespread condemnation from public figures and historians alike as completely unfounded - however, there were similar attacks against other Lithuanian key partisans as well.

How could these smear-campaigns against partisan leaders be happening at all though? There are numerous reasons.

1.Forged Soviet documents and false-flag attacks

Firstly, the Soviet Union was inclined to portray Lithuanian pro-freedom activist leaders as collaborators with either Nazi German regime or the Soviet regime itself, that way casting a doubt among Lithuanians and others in these partisans. This way, they hoped to make Lithuanians less likely to support the guerrilla war. In order to achieve this, the Soviet Union used to fabricate documents and disseminate them locally and abroad, sponsor false-flag operations in Lithuanian villages and report their own atrocities as partisans'. Some of these Soviet documents and reports about such operations are still used as a basis for conclusions, especially by people who are not historians and are not knowledgeable in KGB/NKVD methods, and especially by foreigners.

Such forged KGB/NKVD documents and actions would typically "assign" things such as betrayal of Lithuania, war crimes, murders of civilians to the partisan leaders.

Vanagas's coffin is taken off from the artillery trailer

Vanagas's coffin is taken off from the artillery trailer

2.Seeing the entire World War 2 through a Western-Front lens

Secondly, some Westerners, many Russians, and Israelis have an oversimplified view of World War 2 as a conflict between "Good" (Allies) and "Evil" (Axis), with no third factions. This belief, however, is based solely on the Western Front situation, where independent nations fought against the onslaught of Nazi Germany.

In Central-Eastern Europe, however, Lithuanians and many other once-independent nations were essentially caught between two foreign genocidal occupational totalitarian regimes, representing both the Axis (Nazi Germany) and the Allies (Soviet Union). An underground third-force, therefore, arose in Central-Eastern Europe, opposing both invaders and seeking to restore their own independent countries as they were before World War 2. Lithuanian partisans were that third force in Lithuania.

Those who over-simplify World War 2 into a war between two global alliances, however, typically "assign" the entire movements of Central-Eastern Europe's pro-freedom partisans to either the Soviet or Nazi German regimes, depending on whom-for their actions were supposedly more convenient at a given time. In Russia, for instance, all those who fought against the Soviet Union are typically equated to fighters of Nazi Germany ("fascists"), that way positioning the Soviet Union as a "just liberator" of Eastern Europe - a notion fervently denied in nearly every Eastern European country. In Eastern Europe and on the whole, the Soviet Union was more deadly regime than Nazi Germany (Ukraine's Holodomor alone killed 7 million, for example) - therefore, in the view of most locals, it is just as illogical to see the Soviet Union as having been "good" because it was allied with a democratic USA or UK, as it would be illogical to claim Nazi Germany was good because it was allied with a democratic Finland. Moreover, such notions are seen as greatly disrespectful for the victims of the Soviet regime (as they regard their lives as less important than those of Nazi Germany's victims) and, in turn, a kind of "hate speech" against the entire ethnic and religious groups targetted in the Soviet genocides.

The prominence of such over-simplification of World War 2 Eastern European theater is because of three main factors:
a)Naturally, humans subconsciously see the victims and events of their own nation, city, family as more important than those of others. As such, the nations that lost the much more from the Nazi actions in comparison to Soviet actions (Jews, French, British) tend to concentrate their history research on the Nazi crimes and care less about the Soviet crimes. The evils of the Soviet crimes and genocides may even be subconsciously compensated to them by the fact that Soviets also fought against the Nazis, whose crimes and genocides "touched more directly" and thus seemed as worse. However, the beliefs that essentially claim that "Central-Eastern European partisans should not have fought for their lives and freedom, because that may have made a fight for our freedom somewhat harder" themselves are effectively ultra-nationalist. It is understandable to subjectively remember "one's own" victims the most (e.g. by building memorials in the cities where their relatives still live), however, if we treat all human lives as equal, it is illogical to see some lives and victims to have been objectively more important solely due to their nationality, ethnicity, place-of-abode or religion (or the nationality, ethnicity or religion of their killer).
b)For decades, Central-Eastern European historians were heavily censored behind the Iron Curtain and were not able to present their own histories to the Western audiences. Even today, the limitations of language-knowledge and lack of networks often preclude them from this. As such, the history of Eastern Europe (as it still exists in the popular conscience of the wider world) was written by people who lived far away from the region.
c)Simpler versions of history and science are generally more popular than more complex explanations.

Still, despite a clear need for that, there are few coordinated efforts by the Central/Eastern European nations to teach the rest of the world more about the role of Soviet Union in the Central/Eastern Europe of 1930s-1950s and during World War 2, leading the old misconceptions to persist. Arguably, today that situation is even lesser known in the West than 30 years ago, when the Cold War still raged on and the Soviet Union was widely presented as an "Evil Empire".

It should be noted that when the term "collaborator" is applied to a Lithuanian partisan in this sense, it does not mean somebody who participated in a genocide or war crimes - rather, it means that somebody fought against one totalitarian regime at the same time as the other totalitarian regime did. Such claims of collaboration are based on this logical fallacy of undistributed middle:
Nazis fought against the Soviets
Lithuanian partisans fought against the Soviets
Therefore, Lithuanian partisans are Nazis.

The burial place of Vanagas

The burial place of Vanagas

3.Increased Russian influence

Thirdly, for a decade or more after the collapse of the Soviet Union, Russia was pretty much on the sidelines of the global sources of information, abandoning any influence in the non-nearby foreign countries the Soviet Union once had. These days, however, Russia took an active role again to disseminate its beliefs to the entire world, establishing English-language media and using other means.

To Russia, the smearing of pro-freedom partisans of Central-Eastern Europe is important, as it helps to equally smear the modern campaigners against the Russian influence in the region. The conflict where that was used the most spectacularly was the War in Ukraine, where Russians regularly claimed that they are fighting "fascists" in Ukraine because Ukrainians would honor their own World-War-2-era pro-freedom partisans, regarded by Russia to have been fascists.

Sometimes, including during the Ukraine war, Western media reprints these Russian allegations inadvertently: not knowing the background of the situation themselves, Western journalists often just "present both viewpoints", giving half of the space to the Russian "viewpoint", believing that means they are have written a neutral article. However, as Russian claims are often based on purposefully fabricated falsehoods, the mere fact that they are treated as "legitimate claims" alone is useful for Russia, as that puts them on an equal basis with what Russia says are "Lithuanian claims" or "Ukrainian claims" or, often, "fascist claims".

Just like during the partisan wars of the 1940s-1950s themselves, such allegations are useful for Russia in helping to erode support for its opponents in Central-Eastern Europe as, when a doubt is raised, many "outsiders" choose not to support factions that "could be fascist" and put their effort elsewhere.

4.A change in generations

Fourthly, the generation that remembers Lithuania's doomed fight for freedom in the 1940s and 1950s is now passing away. Previously, whenever an unfounded attack was made, witnesses would soon come and explain the reality, while today Lithuania has fewer and fewer witnesses with each year. Accusations and misinterpretations thus fall on the ears of people who just heard those stories from their grandparents, at best (however, even that is unlikely for many Lithuanians as most of the partisans were killed and those who survived often feared to tell their stories well until the 1990s). Some of them have formed their own opinions based on foreign (e.g. Russian) media rather than on the local "collective memory".

Therefore, it is possible that these days are crucial as they will determine on what history will be written about the Lithuanian partisans and how will they be seen by those who never will be able to meet them and talk to them. The grand funeral of Ramanauskas-Vanagas may thus be seen as part of that "fight to liberate Lithuanian history", and that's likely one of the reasons why so many people came to Ramanauskas-Vanagas funeral.

What is the difference between the smear campaigns and real investigations?

Just like in any military force, there have indeed been some Lithuanian partisans who collaborated with the occupational regimes or betrayed their own colleagues. With so much time passed, however, many of these traitors are already well-known. There are Lithuanian institutions specifically established to investigate the resistance, occupations, and genocide, to compile the lists of both victims and perpetrators, and these institutions continue that work for decades.

What makes these smear campaigns different from actual investigations is that they are often based on the same well-known-to-researchers documents and facts, essentially putting a media spin on them so it would seem that they prove something which they don't prove. As a side note, they usually disproportionally target key well-respected partisans, that way attempting to discredit the entire partisan movement and attract attention, whereas the real collaborators were generally much lower in rank.

Real investigations, on the other hand, could only be triggered by uncovering a new, previously-unknown document by a researcher that would genuinely show some partisan (or any other person for that matter) in a new light.

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Pope Francis completes his visit to Lithuania

2018 09 23. Pope Francis has completed his visit to Lithuania today.

The visit to Vilnius and Kaunas took three days and was the first papal visit in Lithuania since 1993 when John Paul II visited the then-newly-independent country.

Back then, the papal visit had dual meaning to Lithuanians: in addition to the typical religious one, it was also part of the global recognition to Lithuania, with Pope being the first so important person to visit Lithuania after independence.

Today, Lithuania is already mature but people still greeted Pope enthusiastically, with some 100 000 people visiting the mass at Kaunas and the streets where pope passed by enclosed by groups of people.

Lithuanians line up to greet pope along the famous St. Ann church in Vilnius

Lithuanians line up to greet pope along the famous St. Ann church in Vilnius

Such reverence during the major event of Pope visit is signifying the Lithuanian-style religiosity. After decades of Soviet occupation, most Lithuanians are effectively "semi-practicing Catholics": they declare themselves to be Catholic and they complete the major Catholic rites (Catholic wedding, baptizing children, burials, celebrating Christmas the religious way) but they do not turn up at churches on "regular" Sundays. During the Soviet occupation, such lifestyle was a necessity as, on the one hand, each church visit was risky for career prospects in the entirely-Soviet-atheist-controlled economy, yet, on the other hand, distancing oneself from religion felt equal to betraying Lithuania in a time of peril, as Catholic traditions were always important to the Lithuanians and were persecuted by the Soviets, while the Roman Catholic Church stood at the frontlines of anti-Soviet activities.

Even though the Soviet occupation has ended, the Lithuanian relation to religion established back then has arguably continued. Among the European nations, Lithuania has very few people who say to "never visit a church", yet even fewer people do "visit the church at least once a week". During the last census (2011), almost 86% of Lithuania's population declared themselves to be Roman Catholic and just 6,8% of the population declared themselves irreligious. This makes Lithuania the second most-Catholic country in Europe (after Poland), if excluding the European microstates.

Lithuanians squeeze to go nearer the Cathedral square where the Pope said a speech

Lithuanians squeeze to go nearer the Cathedral square where the Pope said a speech

Such numbers may seem strange to an outsider when one sees the rather empty city churches on Sundays but few would doubt them during the major Catholic events, among which the Papal visit is likely the most important in years. It is probable that more people have participated in the Papal mass alone than in all the Lithuanian churches combined on any given non-Christmas and non-Easter Sunday.

Unlike in some Western countries, the Roman Catholic church has few image problems in Lithuania and those that exist were generally imported from the West through media. Unlike in some Western countries, the church in Lithuania spent most of the 20th century being persecuted and using its machine to help Lithuanians fight for their human rights. There was no priest misbehavior scandal in Lithuania that could be comparable to those in some Western countries, making the Papal visit there much easier.

The one-second glimpse of the pope many Lithuanians spent an hour or so to see

The one-second glimpse of the pope many Lithuanians spent an hour or so to see

In a sense, Pope Francis did in Lithuania the same things as most Catholic priests have done before: condemning the Soviet and Nazi German occupational regimes that murdered hundreds of thousands of Lithuania's people. The same regimes Roman Catholic clergy of Lithuania was instrumental in opposing through hiding the potential victims, helping them to speak out, and helping to import the real news from elsewhere in the world. Back during the occupations (1940-1990), however, many Lithuanian priests were murdered for just these actions; today, such messages could be said openly and receive nothing less than applause.

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Lithuanian-American heritage map to double in scope

2018 08 23. True Lithuania's interactive map of Lithuanian-American heritage sites will soon also include the entire Midwest, doubling in size.

Launched in 2017, the map now covers ~340 Lithuanian sites in New England and Mid-Atlantic regions (11 states). After the expansion, the map will include some 600-700 Lithuanian sites and cover ~80-90% of the total eligible Lithuanian locations in the USA. The map is interactive and thus offers not just the exact locations but also pictures and detailed information about each site, aimed at tourists and locals alike.

Eligible locations marked in the map include Lithuanian churches, Lithuanian cemeteries, Lithuanian clubhouses and museums, Lithuanian monuments, graves of the famous Lithuanians, locations named in Lithuanian, etc.

States and locations that will be added to the map

The Midwest extension will cover the states of Illinois, Ohio, Michigan, Wisconsin, Missouri, and Indiana.

The map of the 2018 expedition (left)

The map of the 2018 expedition (left)

Some of the famous locations that will be marked and written about include:
*Lithuanian Plaza district of Chicago that once housed some 30 000 Lithuanians thus being the largest Lithuanian district outside Lithuania. It has the largest-outside-Lithuania Lithuanian church, Lithuanian monastery, Darius-Girėnas monument and more.
*"Draugas" publishing house that publishes the oldest Lithuanian-language newspaper in the world (Chicago).
*The house where the longest-serving Lithuanian president Antanas Smetona was killed and his grave (Cleveland).
*An East St. Louis Lithuanian church that is one of the best examples of "Modern Lithuanian" style that Lithuanian-Americans invented - so good it is considered a heritage by the county.
*A Spring Valley Lithuanian cemetery widely claimed to be haunted.
*The largest Lithuanian museums of America and their spectacular art collections (Chicago).
*Lithuanian cultural garden in Cleveland where sculptures for the most famous Lithuanians have been constructed.
*Chicago's St. Casimir Lithuanian cemetery that is so great that it has been included in the "199 cemeteries to see before you die" book alongside such cemeteries as Paris's Père Lachaise and the Arlington National Cemetery.
*Holy Cross, The most elaborate Lithuanian church of Chicago that is included in the city's architectural guides.
*The sites related to the "Jungle" novel and the Chicago stockyards where many Lithuanians worked at.
*The graves of many famous Lithuanian artists and novelists who were forced to flee Lithuania due to the Soviet occupation.
And much more.

You may follow the expedition on Facebook "True Lithuania".

Destination Lithuanian America team: Augustinas Žemaitis and Aistė žemaitienė

Destination Lithuanian America volunteer team: Augustinas Žemaitis and Aistė žemaitienė. In the USA, they will be joined by some 200 Lithuanian-American volunteers.

Expedition to be more extensive

The map is being created by Augustinas Žemaitis, the owner of True Lithuania, and supported by the Lithuanian government as a part of Lithuanian centenary celebrations. In order to create the map, Augustinas visits every location, marking its GPS coordinates and taking photos. Local Lithuanians also tell the stories of the Lithuanian heritage sites which are written down and added to the "Global True Lithuania" encyclopedia of Lithuanian-American sites. Last year, the expedition took 16 days and some 200 people helped and this year that number is expected to increase as the expedition will take 25 days.

Last year, the mapping garnered significant attention in Lithuanian, Lithuanian-American, and American press, however, a question often lingered why such areas strong in Lithuanian history as Chicago, Cleveland, and Detroit were not included. As Augustinas Žemaitis explained back then, this was due to limited funding but, if the first project would be successful, another expedition would be made to Midwest.

Indeed, not only the original sponsors and volunteers have returned for this year's expedition but the success of the first expedition attracted numerous private sponsors, among them Lithuanian-Americans Donatas Januta, Algirdas Avižienis, Darius Vaškelis. This made it possible to expand the scope of the expedition further by including also some areas of Pennsylvania, New York, and New Jersey, skipped by the 2017 expedition. Support from the Lithuanian national TV will make it possible to cover the expedition in a series of videos to be aired.

The expanded map will be published online before December 2018. The Global True Lithuania articles on Lithuanian heritage will also be updated by then.

The results of the previous-year project may be read at the online encyclopedia of Lithuanian-American sites in articles for each location. Connecticut, Maine, Maryland, Massachussetts (Athol/Gardner, Boston, Brockton, Merrimack Valley, Springfield, Worcester), New Hampshire, New Jersey, New York (New York City, Upstate New York), Pennsylvania (Coal Region (South), Coal Region (North), Du Bois, Philadelphia, Pittsburgh), Rhode Island, Vermont, Washington (DC).

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Lithuania celebrates its 100th birthday

The Republic of Lithuania is celebrating the 100th anniversary of the 1918 independence declaration today. To commemorate this, there are many events all over Lithuania. Many of the projects meant to commemorate the centenary have been already completed beforehand, including the True Lithuania's "Destination America" project that has created an interactive map of the Lithuanian sites in the USA.

Seemingly just as many are about to take place today, ranging from state-sponsored ones to private actions of people and companies. Many of those who did not create an event or a unique commemoration themselves would at least mount a Lithuanian flag. While typically one flag per building is considered enough for holidays, today many additional flags are flown at numerous windows.

A 100 sign being constructed in the town of Šilutė. ©Augustinas Žemaitis.

Many anniversaries of Lithuania

While the Republic of Lithuania 100th anniversary is often portrayed as Lithuania's 100th birthday, the reality is more complex. Having had a sad and turbulent history, Lithuania has not one but several days of its creation (or, re-creation after occupation).

1918 02 16 was the day when Republic of Lithuania was declared, ending the 120+ years of Russian Imperial occupation that even had Lithuanian language banned. However, the Russians have since occupied Lithuania again in 1940 (as the Soviet Union). Therefore, to many foreigners, 1990 03 11 is the most well-known independence date: the day when Lithuania regained its independence from the Soviet Union (and was not ever occupied again).

Around midnight before the centenery, a Lithuanian airline used its plane to draw '100' with its route

Around midnight before the centenery, a Lithuanian airline used its plane to draw '100' with its route

In reality, however, Lithuania is much older even than 1918 as it exists since at least the 13th century. Back then, it used to be a Grand Duchy. Its exact date of founding is unknown, therefore, July 6th has been chosen as a national festival as it coincides with the presumed date the Lithuania's first king Mindaugas was crowned.

Many still remember, however, that Lithuania celebrated its millennium in 2009 and the reason for that was that the name of Lithuania was first mentioned in a written source in 1009, some, therefore, considering 1009 to be the date of Lithuania's foundation.

Amphibious vehicle that transports people over the flooded section of the Šilutė-Rusnė road adorned with flags of Lithuania. ©Augustinas Žemaitis.

There are also numerous less-popular foundation dates, e.g. the June 23rd, when Lithuanians deposed the Soviet regime in 1941 (but were occupied by Nazi Germany the same week), or the September of 1991 total collapse of the Soviet Union when Lithuania was recognized and Lithuania joined the United Nations.

In any case, Lithuanians surely have many dates to celebrate, and therefore many anniversaries. For instance, 2020 will mark the 30th year after the 1990 independence restoration.

A typical window flag in Vilnius. Lithuanian flag sales soared this month. ©Augustinas Žemaitis.

See also: 20 key moments of Lithuanian history

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Lithuanian-American heritage map is published online

Do You imagine where in America the Mindaugas Castle is located? Where is the place Darius and Girėnas took off from? Where can you find memorials for Lithuanian freedom fighters, Lithuanian art museums, and a Lithuanian-themed guest house?

More than 300 Lithuanian-American sites have now been marked on an interactive online map, the first of such kind! It is accessible for free at .

The map has been created by the “Destination – America” team, as a result of the September – October 2017 campaign across 11 northeastern USA states. During the journey, “Destination – America” have made over 8000 pictures of the Lithuanian sites there, collected their stories from some 200 locals, and marked their exact GPS coordinates. All this now makes the basis for the “Destination – America” map, government chancery funded the centenary of Lithuania.

 Interactive map „Destination America“

Interactive map „Destination America“

Lithuanian-American sites have astonished even the map team

The ambassador of Lithuania in the US Rolandas Kriščiūnas said that this interactive map is just what was needed to all the Lithuanians – not only to those who live in the US, but also the ones who travel to US from any other country. “As I live here in the US, I can see the footprint Lithuanians left here is just impressive – this can easily be seen by the amount of Lithuanian heritage. I strongly believe this interactive map will help everybody to find out more about these places and get a full impression of them”, Rolandas Kriščiūnas said.

 A chapel for those died for Lithuanian freedom glowing in the night at Kennebunk Lithuanian park which now attracts American tourists as well

A chapel for those died for Lithuanian freedom glowing in the night at Kennebunk Lithuanian park

The head of the “Destination – America” project Augustinas Žemaitis said that even the people who provided the stories of Lithuanian heritage for the “Destination – America” project often said they hope the map will be useful to them as well. “Although most of them know about the places in the cities they live, many have been pleasantly surprised to learn of such locations like a Lithuanian-named lake in the suburbs or even a Lithuanian coat of arms that is engraved on a downtown facade. To tell the truth, even though I have already been researching Lithuanian heritage for 5 years now, I was sometimes surprised by the magnitude of the Lithuanian places in America. We also “discovered” new sites that just never had been written about in accessible sources. At the beginning of the project, I hoped we could mark at least 100 sites, 150 at best. However, the reality appeared to be much more impressive and now our interactive map consists of more than 300 sites”, Augustinas Žemaitis said.

 The map of DESTINATION – AMERICA volunteer expedition

The map of DESTINATION – AMERICA volunteer expedition

Stories and images included

“Destination - America” map is not merely a list of places. By clicking on the markers you may also get the site descriptions and images. Under each image, a link appears to a longer story of the Lithuanian locations in the area, with much additional information, history, and images.

An exmaple of the interactive map of a locality

An exmaple of the interactive map of a locality

In addition to regular zooming, the map offers capabilities to select sub-maps by the state or the city, filter the sites by category and importance level, see the street views and more.

Lithuanian sites in “Destination – America” are grouped in four tiers. The higher the tier, the more important, interesting, visitor-accessible, and authentic the place is. There are 16 Lithuanian-related sites in the top tier, 105 in the second tier and 191 in the lower tiers.

 Lackawanna Coal Mine in Scranton, Pennsylvania, once the worksite for thousands of Lithuanians and now a tourist sight where their plight may be better understood by everybody

Lackawanna Coal Mine in Scranton, Pennsylvania, once the worksite for thousands of Lithuanians and now a tourist sight where their plight may be better understood by everybody

The top tier sites should garner interest well beyond Lithuanians and includes major museums, and impressive monuments. The second tier sites provide a great Lithuanian atmosphere and are also interesting as sights. In the lower tier sites, only traces of Lithuanity remain, yet the sheer abundance of them is also a great testament to the importance of Lithuanians in America.
Moreover, the Lithuanian sites are arranged into categories by their use (churches, cemeteries, graves of famous Lithuanians, clubs, Lithuanian placenames…).

In the future, the Lithuanian heritage map should be supplemented by the tourist routes that would allow combining Lithuanian heritage and regular sites of interest in your American journeys.

The main hall of the Baltimore Lithuanian Hall

The main hall of the Baltimore Lithuanian Hall

The interactive free map of the Lithuanian heritage in the USA is accessible here: Map of Lithuanian heritage in the USA.

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Lithuanian-American heritage will be collected to an interactive map

2017 08 15. True Lithuania has launched "DESTINATION - AMERICA", a massive project to research and publish the information about the Lithuanian heritage in the northeastern USA.

The sites to be visited will include Lithuanian churches, Lithuanian museums, Lithuanian monuments, locations named after Lithuania(ns) or in Lithuanian, Lithuanian cemeteries, the graves of famous Lithuanians, and more.

The owner of the website Augustinas Žemaitis will visit the sites, take pictures and hear stories.

The preliminary plan of where the DESTINATION AMERICA volunteers will go. A distance of 3000 km will be covered in 15 days. ©Augustinas Žemaitis.

The research results will be freely made available online, in the form of a new interactive map of Lithuanian heritage in the USA, as well as extensive articles with online photo galleries.

Well over 100 Lithuanian locations in 10 US states and DC will be visited and described on the interactive map.

True Lithuania hopes this would make the Lithuanian heritage in the USA well known both among the Lithuanians in Lithuania and the USA, as well as the general American population, attracting more tourism and preservation efforts.

Much of Lithuanian heritage has been lost in the recent decade, with some of the largest Lithuanian churches demolished in Shenandoah and Wilkes-Barre, Pennsylvania. Lithuanian-American heritage seems to lack the attention from those who protect minority heritage as well as the interest of Lithuania itself, but the DESTINATION AMERICA project seeks to change this.

An example of how the interactive map will look like. Here is a New York section with the Transfiguration Lithuanian church clicked on. The description may be expanded by clicking on the link. ©Augustinas Žemaitis.

The research in America will take place between September 18th and October 4th, 2017.

The project will be completed by December (i.e. the collected information will be made available online in both English and Lithuanian).

The project has won the support of the Government chancery of Lithuania as one of the best projects to commemorate the centenary of Lithuania.

Note: the map is now already available here

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Vilnius Airport closed down for a month-long renovation

2017 07 14. Vilnius airport has been closed down today for a month-long renovation of its sole runway. In theory, all flights have been moved to Kaunas, where a temporary terminal has been constructed. In practice, however, some airlines chose to cease flying to Lithuania altogether during the period, as Kaunas airport is more than 100 km away from Vilnius, Lithuania's capital.

The move to close down the Vilnius airport has been controversial from its start as it has been chosen over an alternative to perform the renovation works at night which would have allowed Vilnius airport to operate as scheduled on daytime when most of the flights arrive.

As summer is *the* tourist season in Lithuania, the renovation of the airport is expected to severely impact the income of tourist-related industries, and therefore the nationwide tax income.

Arrivals building at Vilnius airport

While the politicians who supported the closure often argued that 100 km is a short distance in the general context and it is a minor nuisance for passengers to fly to Kaunas instead of Vilnius, the reality proved different. The moving of the airport created many unforeseen inconveniences, such as, for example, a difficulty in booking flights to Vilnius and then back from Kaunas (if one's holidays begins before the reconstruction and ends during it). The booking systems of some airlines would not allow such a booking and would require booking tickets separately, almost doubling the price and reducing money-back guarantees in case the first flight is canceled. While the majority of Lithuanians know about the reconstruction, the majority of potential travelers don't, getting an unpleasant surprise of no available tickets to Vilnius during the renovation time when they would search for plane tickets to Vilnius.

Given this, many passengers likely decided against traveling to Lithuania during the time, and airlines had to cancel numerous flights due to lower-than-usual demand. The full impact of the reconstruction will be counted only after it ends. However, during June-July the numbers of True Lithuania online travel guide visitors have dropped by ~10% compared to the previous summer, likely demonstrating that fewer foreigners have been planning their holidays in Lithuania this summer.

Kaunas airport regular terminal as visible from departing airplane. ©Augustinas Žemaitis.

In 2016, Vilnius International Airport was the main airport of Lithuania, serving 3 814 000 passengers. Kaunas International Airport was the distant second Lithuanian airport, serving 740 000, mostly low-cost carriers aimed at Lithuanian emigrants and Lithuanian sun-seekers who fly to the southern resorts. While Vilnius has been constantly growing from 2009, Kaunas has actually declined from its peak in 2011 (830 268 passengers) as the low-cost carriers sought to relocate their business to the capital.

The Vilnius Airport is expected to reopen on the 19th of August.

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Lithuanian Games of 2017 conclude in Kaunas

2017 07 02. The 10th Lithuanian Games have concluded in Kaunas after 3 days of competitions in 19 disciplines, ranging from chess and bowling to basketball and football.

As every 4 years, the Lithuanian Games have invited amateur sportsmen from the Lithuanian diaspora to visit Lithuania for the competition against other Lithuanians, having an opportunity to speak Lithuanian.

Lithuanian Games basketball semifinal between Lithuanians from Latvia and Lithuanians from the UK. ©Augustinas Žemaitis.

The tradition of Lithuanian Games began in 1938 when they were known as the "Lithuanian national olympiad". The event could have become regular but sadly it was the last time many of its participants came back to their home country as Lithuania was occupied in 1940. The tradition was resuscitated by the diaspora in 1978 when the Lithuanian Games were held in Canada with some 1000 participants from various Lithuanian communities.

They were then held every 5 years in a different country that has a strong Lithuanian diaspora. Since 1991, as Lithuania became independent, the games are held every 4 years in Lithuania.

Over the time, the represented communities have changed. With the aging and assimilation of the interwar and post-WW2 communities, countries with major Lithuanian diaspora such as Brazil, Argentina, Colombia or Venezuela were not represented this time. However, the total number of countries representing is increasing, with a few amateur sportsmen coming from among recent emigrants (primarilly from Europe).

The largest "older" communities from the Western countries such as the USA, Canada, and Australia were also represented.

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Teofilius Matulionis becomes the second beatified Lithuanian

2017 06 25. In a massive event in Vilnius that was attended by thousands of locals and pilgrims, the Roman Catholic Church has beatified the Lithuanian priest Teofilius Matulionis (1873-1962).

Beatification is the second-in-status show of respect by the Roman Catholic Church towards the deceased people after Canonization (Sainthood). From now on, Teofilius Matulionis will be referred to as "Blessed Teofilius Matulionis". He is only the second Lithuanian person honored this way (after Jurgis Matulaitis). Furthermore, Lithuania also has one saint (St. Casimir).

Teofilius Matulionis was one of the numerous priests persecuted by the Soviet regime. Before the communist revolution in Russia, he served as a Catholic priest and then bishop in St. Petersburg. As such, he suffered the communist atheism well before the Lithuania itself was occupied. He was imprisoned in 1923-1925 and again 1930-1933. In 1933, he was released in a Soviet-Lithuanian prisoner exchange on the condition that he returns to Lithuania. However, once the Soviet Union occupied Lithuania as well, he has been arrested again. Afterward, he spent ten years in prisons and various exile locations in Russia (1946-1956) and was not allowed to perform his religious duties afterward as well.

The beatification event at Vilnius Cathedral square. ©Augustinas Žemaitis.

During the times he was not arrested, Teofilius Matulionis sought to help the people who suffered under the totalitarian regimes and genocides. While most of this suffering was due to the religious and ethnic persecution by the Soviet Union against the Catholics and Lithuanians, Teofilius Matulionis did not limit his help to his own kin as he has also saved Jews from the Holocaust, hiding them in monasteries of his diocese during the Nazi German occupation of Lithuania. Even while imprisoned and suffering tortures, he sought to be useful, secretly performing priest duties for fellow prisoners.

Teofilius Matulionis was poisoned by the Soviet secret services in 1962. As his persecutions and death happened because of his religious beliefs, he is held to be a martyr.

Year 2017 have been officially declared by the Lithuanian parliament to be the "year of Archbishop Teofilius Matulionis".

The beatification ceremony in Vilnius was attended by over 100 priests, Lithuanian luminaries and highest-ranking politicians (including the President). The mass was led by a cardinal from Vatican and included parts in the language of every location where Teofilius Matulionis lived at while alive, namely Lithuanian, Polish, Russian, Belarusian, Latvian and English, in addition to Latin which was the liturgical language of the Roman Catholic Church in Matulionis's times. Additioanl events took place before and after the main beatification event, including the procession that transported his relics from his church of Kaišiadorys to Vilnius and back.

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Lithuanian parliamentary elections 2016

2016 Lithuanian parliamentary election results (percentages of votes won by parties)

2016 Lithuanian parliamentary election results (percentages of votes won by parties)

2016 10 11. As the final results came for the first round of 2016 Lithuanian parliamentary elections, it became clear that the composition of government will be significantly changed from the present one.

Peasants/Greens 21,5%

Peasant/Green party shown the most remarkable performance. A party that failed to pass the necessary 5% threshold for several elections in a row, now amassed 21,5% of the vote (2012 elections - 3,88%). The success of the party may be attributed to the broad base of voters it has attracted. In addition to the peasants that the party was originally established to represent, its nature-first ideas increasingly attracted urban environmentalist electorate.

Furthermore, leftists disillusioned with the current Socialdemocrat government have voted for Peasants/Greens as the only viable alternative.

The third group of the Peasants/Greens voters likely came from the "personal politics" camp of Lithuanian political sphere, i.e. people who vote for charismatic leaders rather than the ideology. In addition to the inspiring millionaire-farmer Ramūnas Karbauskis, who puts a great emphasis on reversing the negative image of Lithuanian countryside (which can be summed up by words "alcohol-addicted, poor, and hopeless") by his own example and self-funded non-profit projects, Peasants/Greens have attracted a former minister of interior Saulius Skvernelis and some other well-known figures.

While Peasants/Greens have gained popularity in the three largest cities (~10%) the true force behind its massive show of power were still the villages and towns, where they have enjoyed the support of ~30-35% of the electorate. Peasants/Greens also managed to prevail in Šiauliai and Panevėžys (4th and 5th largest cities, respectively).

Homeland Union - Christian Democrats 21,7%

Centrist Homeland Union (the traditional arch-opponent of Socialdemocrats) may attempt to seek to form a ruling coalition after 4 years of Socialdemocrat rule, winning 21,7% of the vote (2012 elections - 15,1%).

While the name of Homeland Union has been associated with unpopular-yet-effective decisions to raise taxes and lower government handouts as a response to 2008 crisis, the party has largely renewed its top ranks, with Gabrielius Landsbergis (a grandson of Vytautas Landsbergis who was instrumental in the independence of Lithuania) now taking the lead. To some, the stunning rise of Gabrielius Landsbergis may seem to be an example of nepotism, but the Homeland Union, once considered a party "for the older people", now managed to attract the new generation of voters as well.

In the battle for these young voters, the top opponent of Homeland Union is the rightist Liberal Movement.

Homeland Union prevailed in all the top three cities (Vilnius, Kaunas, and Klaipėda) where populations are among the most educated.

While considered rightist by some analysts, Homeland Union actually stays at the center of the political spectrum. It seeks to balance free market with support to the poor (tax reductions are as often on its agenda as social benefit increases, and vice-versa), as well as combining the local and Western values. The only position where the Homeland Union sees no compromise is its eagerness to integrate into the European Union, regardless of the odds and sacrifices needed.

Socialdemocrats - 14,4%

Quite a great on itself (14,4%), the performance of Socialdemocrats couldn't have pleased its leaders as Socialdemocrats are used to better results. In 2012 they have acquired 18,4% of the public vote.

Arguably, there was no single event that has somewhat eroded the popularity of Socialdemocrats, but rather a string of low-scale scandals, gaffes, and government decisions widely perceived as illogical, inconsistent or contrary to the 2012 electoral program.

Socialdemocrats are a leftist party, however, some analysts would denounce such label claiming that (just like the Homeland Union) it is a centrist party. Indeed, it has taken many decisions considered to be pro-business and pro-free market in addition to those more typical for leftist ideology (e.g. Socialdemocrats have recently adopted a new Labour code that was protested against by the labor unions).

The main difference between the Homeland Union and Socialdemocrats is perhaps in their value systems. While the Homeland Union combines Western and local values, Socialdemocrats combine Western and Eastern (Soviet). The existence of many former members of the communist party in the ranks of Socialdemocrats (and related political decisions) generally makes the party disliked by most intellectuals and the inhabitants of largest cities.

To village and town dwellers who gained less economically from the independence period, however, the Soviet connections of Socialdemocrats are less of an anathema. However, towns and villages were exactly the area where Peasants/Greens hit the hardest: Socialdemocrats came second after them even in their stronghold of Vilkaviškis, the hometown of Socialdemocrat prime minister Algirdas Butkevičius (after receiving 52,8% vote there in 2012, Socialdemocrats received only 27,06% this year). This year, Socialdemocrats gained ~15-25% of the vote in the "countryside" districts and ~8-13% of the vote in the main city districts, where their popularity remained unchanged.

Even with the setbacks, Socialdemocrats undoubtedly remained a major force in Lithuanian politics for the next 4 years.

Liberal Movement - 9%

2016 Lithuanian parliamentary election results (partition of the seats after the 1st round)

2016 Lithuanian parliamentary election results (partition of the seats after the 1st round)

Liberals were for long hailed as a party that was about to dislodge the Homeland Union from their leadership among the Lithuanian cities and youth.

However, a recent corruption scandal involving their leader Eligijus Masiulis accused of taking a large bribe from a businessman postponed such hopes. Liberal Movement came fourth with 9% and may only hope in becoming a minor partner in forming the coalition.

Nevertheless, Liberals have improved the result from the 2012 elections when they have gained 8,6% of the vote. Much of their gain was at the expense of other Liberal parties, which have folded or declined well under 5% threshold.

Liberal Movement mainly draws its support from the young and the cities (in Vilnius and Klaipėda ~17% voted for Liberals, while in the countryside merely ~6% did).

After outcompeting the other Liberal parties, the Liberal Movement has few similar-views competitors in the Lithuanian political sphere, as they are the only politically relevant party to be completely rightist (pro-free market).

Moreover, they are also the keenest on establishing the singular Western value system upon Lithuania, dismantling both the Eastern values ("Soviet remnants") and, more controversially, the local values ("Lithuanian traditions") as mostly dated.

For example, in Lithuania such Western-originated controversial issues as same-sex partnerships are typically promoted only by the Liberal Movement on the partywide scale.

Lithuanian Poles' Electoral Action - 5,5%

Lithuanian Poles' Electoral Action, which has appended a phrase "Union of Christian families" to its name, came 5th with 5,5% of vote.

For a long time, Lithuanian Poles' Electoral Action was growing in popularity, expanding its support from just the Polish minority to also the Russian minority.

This year the party has attempted to expand outside the ethnic minorities, by also attracting the religious Lithuanians (hence the name change). They were the only party in 2016 elections to provide a truly Christian program, with the word "God" mentioned numerous times and Bible cited.

Such emphasis did not mean a big ideological change for the Poles' Electoral Action. With the Poles being the most religious ethnic community of Lithuania, their party has always greatly relied on Christian thought. Russians have also become increasingly religious after the collapse of the Soviet Union (according to census data), meaning many of them too had no problems in voting for a somewhat religious party as long as it promoted minority issues.

Still, the official drifting from an ethnic minority block to also a religious block may have alienated a few voters, and, more surely, despite a significant Lithuanian-language campaigning in Vilnius, failed to attract new voters. The popularity declined from 5,8% in 2012. It may be so that Lithuanian Poles' Electoral Action is so associated with Polish or ethnic minority lobbyism, that it received an image that a Lithuanian has no logical reason to vote for it.

While Lithuanian Poles' Electoral Action is the toughest at safeguarding various local and Christian traditions (e.g. proposing an abortion ban, save for certain circumstances), which may also appeal to Lithuanians, other Lithuanian Poles' Electoral Action policies directly contradict common Lithuanian agenda, e.g. the demand for an increased role of Polish language raises concern (whether justified or not) among Lithuanians as the high status of other languages in Lithuania was typically associated with anti-Lithuanian discrimination (russification, polonization) in the past. These areas of dramatically different opinions make it hard to combine religious Lithuanians (who are also often very patriotic) and ethnic Poles into a single voting block.

Order and Justice - 5,3%

A minor partner of the current ruling coalition, "Order and Justice" is one of the Lithuanian "personal parties" grouped around a single person (in this case, impeached president Rolandas Paksas) rather than an ideology. "Order of Justice" covers an entire political spectrum of opinions with members of various opinions having joined the same party mostly out of convenience of cooperating in contesting elections.

"Order and Justice" received 5,3%, down from 7,3% in 2012. Some of the voters likely drifted to Karbauskis and his Peasants/Greens. As always, "Order and Justice" was the most popular in Samogitia (the native land of Rolandas Paksas).

The future of "Order and Justice" may be at stake however as Rolandas Paksas resigned from its leadership, disillusioned by the fact that he remains disqualified from contesting Lithuanian local elections himself despite a European Court of Human Rights decision in his favor. Personal parties in Lithuania are rarely able to withstand a leadership change and often wither instead.

Parties that failed to pass the threshold

This time relatively many votes were cast for parties that ultimately failed to pass the electoral threshold. While usually it's the conventional parties that suffer such fate, this year it was the personal/protest parties.

Firstly, a peculiar Lithuanian electoral system meant that the new Anticorruption Coalition of Naglis Puetikis and Kristupas Krivickas, founded by a politician well known for protests and a crime journalist, did not make it to the parliament even though it gained 6,06% of the vote. That's because the threshold is officially higher for coalitions that combine several parties.

The biggest losers of the election were, however, the Labour party (party of the Lithuanian-Russian businessmen Viktor Uspaskich), which ended up with 4,7% of the vote. In 2012 elections this party was the first, acquiring 19,8% of the popular electorate. Like with all the personal parties, their electorate is more fluid than that of ideological ones and is quick to drift to new upcoming popular politicians.

In addition to these two parties, Freedom Union failed to pass the threshold yet again (2,1%), likely an evidence that Liberal Movement already won the competition between the once-numerous Liberal parties.

The other failures were suffered by the Green Party (not associated with peasants and supporting a more Western-styled environmentalism, 1,9%), Lithuanian list (protest party, 1,7%), People's Party (pro-Russian, 1%), Tautininkai (leftist nationalist, 0,5%) and the Way of Courage (a single-issue party established during the Drąsius Kedys story, 0,28%). Of those, only the Way of Courage had passed the threshold in 2012 (8% of the vote) but it lost popularity as its core issue has subsided in media attention.

The prognosis on runoffs that will decide 68 more seats

2016 Lithuanian parliamentary election results. This diagram combines the seats actually won by parties in the 1st round with seats they are to win in the runoffs if the first 1st round candidate would win every runoff.

2016 Lithuanian parliamentary election results. This diagram combines the seats actually won by parties in the 1st round with seats they are to win in the runoffs if the most successful 1st round candidate would win every runoff.

According to Lithuanian electoral system, only 70 seats out of 141 available are elected by party lists. The remaining 71 are elected in single-member constituencies, according to the US/UK model. However, if a single candidate fails to get 50% of the vote in the first round, a runoff with the two best candidates is needed.

This year, just 3 candidates made it to the parliament without runoffs. Two of them are members of the Poles' Electoral Action who aced in the Polish-majority constituencies. The remaining one is the former minister of finance Ingrida Šimonytė (Homeland Union).

The rest of the constituencies will undergo runoffs after two weeks, deciding the fate of the remaining 68 seats. Peasants/Greens and the Homeland Union are to have the most representatives in the runoffs. Countryside runoffs will be often contested by the Peasants/Greens and Socialdemocrats, with an occasional contestant from other parties. Vilnius and Klaipėda runoffs are mostly to be contested by the Homeland Union and the Liberals, while Kaunas runoffs will often see the fight between the Homeland Union and Peasants/Greens.

Several independents have made it to the runoffs. Alarmingly to many ethnic Lithuanians, a far left politician Algirdas Paleckis got into runoff at the ethnically diverse Naujoji Vilnia constituency. He is convicted for a denial of Soviet crimes (infamously, he claimed that Lithuanians themselves (rather than the Soviet army) shot at other Lithuanians during January 13, 1991), moreover, he is a grandchild of interwar communist Justas Paleckis who collaborated with the Soviet Union in the occupation of Lithuania. He will face a Homeland Union candidate in what will arguably be the runoff where the two candidates will have the most radically different opinions.

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The silver era of Lithuanian basketball continues

2015 09 21. Lithuanians have greeted their national basketball team as it flew back from Eurobasket 2015 final match in France where it has won silver medals for second European Championship in a row.

7th Olympic qualification in a row

Lithuanian Eurobasket 2015 result guarantees direct qualification to Olympic Basketball Tournament in Rio De Janeiro 2016. Olympic tournament is widely regarded to be the top national team event in basketball, surpassing even the World Cup in importance.

Welcome back ceremony for Eurobasket 2015 at Vilnius City Hall square. ©Augustinas Žemaitis.

Lithuania retains its perfect record of participating in every Olympic basketball tournament since Barcelona 1992. This is a remarkable achievement given that only 12 teams participate in every Olympic games. Lithuania is the only European team to participate in all 7 games from 1992 to 2016.

Highest ever FIBA ranking for Lithuania

Furthermore, the Lithuanian team is expected to rise in FIBA ranking from 4th place to 3rd, its highest placement ever.

Only the US (1st) and Spanish (2nd) teams will have higher rankings. So far, the US and Spanish teams are also the toughest opponents for Lithuania, with a historic win-loss record of ~20%-80%. On the other hand, Lithuania has a positive historic win-loss record against nearly every other national team.

Lithuanian games at Eurobasket 2015

In Eurobasket 2015 Lithuanians have successfully defeated Ukraine [69:68], Latvia [68:49], Estonia [64:62], Czech Republic [85:81] (all in group stage), Georgia (85:81, round of 16), Italy (95:85, quarterfinals) and Serbia (67:64, semifinals). They have lost to Belgium (74:76, group stage) and Spain (63:80, finals).

Seven out of nine Lithuania's games were decided in final seconds, making this Eurobasket especially nervous to watch for many Lithuanians. Together with the location of the group stage in nearby Riga (where thousands of Lithuanians attended games, populating the center of Riga with green-dressed people) it also increased the popularity and TV ratings of the event.

The total attendance of five Lithuanian team games in Riga was 34562, only slightly lower than the attendance of Latvian team which played at home (39490) and higher than that of Estonian team which also had many visiting fans (29134).

The final game of Eurobasket 2015 (Lithuania-Spain) was attended by more than 27000 spectators, making it the most-attended basketball game in European history.

Claims that Lithuania has too few powerful players proved wrong

Without some of its key players such as Donatas Motiejūnas, Linas Kleiza, Darjuš Lavrinovič and Kšištof Lavrinovič, and joined by 4 newcomers, Lithuanian national team was somewhat written off by experts at first. The preparation series of friendly matches started unexpectedly well however as Lithuania beaten. As the series progressed, the games became tougher and victories became hard. This trend continued throughout the group stage of Eurobasket 2015, but Lithuania still came 1st at the group and once again picked up its momentum when the playoff games came, managing to win games against Italy and Serbia where Lithuanian odds were considered to have been just 20%-40% by punters.

Initially defensive, the Lithuanian performance grew increasingly offensive as the tournament progressed and increasingly reliant on the key players.

Individually, Lithuanian point guard Mantas Kalnietis had the most assists per game in the entire Eurobasket 2015 (7,8) while Jonas Mačiulis equally prevailed in most steals per game (1,9).

Two Lithuanian players were elected to the "best 5" of the tournament (Jonas Valančiūnas and Jonas Mačiulis) together with 2 Spanish and 1 French player.

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Lithuania gives in to EU pressure on migrants

2015 07 21. Lithuania gave in to European Union pressure and agreed to accept the transfer of 325 illegal migrants and refugees, most of whom arrived in other European Union countries from Africa by boats [NOTE: since this article was published, the numbers of illegal migrants to be sent to Lithuania by the European Union were increased by some 400% to surpass 1000]. The majority of them are Black Africans and Syrians.

Lithuanian opinion polls indicate a strong Lithuanian disapproval of the measure. The first part of this measure is especially controversial, with opinion polls indicating a strong Lithuanian disapproval (for example, a 2015 06 poll by "Veidas" magazine demonstrated approval of 8,4%, disapproval at 89% and "no opinion" at 2,6%).

Among the reasons is the expected arrival of Western European troubles into Lithuania, including high immigrant crime rates, participation in riots and terrorism, putting a strain on social security, ethnic tensions, increased needs for (self-)censorship. Furthermore, the "solution" is seen to be just a temporary "reshuffle" that would merely increase the problem of illegal migration on the long term (causing EU to require its members to accept even more migrants).

The historic refugee numbers in Lithuania compared to the migrants that will be sent in by the European Union under the new program. Sizeable numbers of migrants that receive 'additional protection' (~150 per year) not shown. Data: Migration Department of Lithuania

Different immigrant situations in Western Europe and Lithuania

So far Lithuania has avoided the aforementioned problems both due to lower levels of migration and due to a different migration policy. Official target was to encourage migration from particular nations which have more similar cultures and histories (such as Ukraine and Georgia) as well as descendants of Lithuanian diaspora, leading to far less cultural friction. Moreover, skilled migrants are welcomed. Stringent rules in deciding which migrants are useful for the job market led to a more motivated and better educated immigrant population. For instance, most migrants have to have a job or a study place before arriving in Lithuania.

In Western Europe situation was very different. Many of the illegal migrants crossing the Mediterranean were lured by vague stories of riches, without having the means or will to achieve them and without researching on the cultural and other differences.

Western European governments have so far relied on an idealistic notion that a well-funded "integration program" would be enough to swiftly turn anybody into a "European", regardless of cultural, economic, educational and other backgrounds.

With new migrant transfer program this notion is stretched even further: this time the migrants will be expected to integrate not even in the country they have chosen to move to, but in a country which many of them never even heard of (such as Lithuania).

Lithuanians could leave anytime, but migrants will be obliged to stay in Lithuania

The common argument in Lithuanian media for the repercussions of new EU policy being not so big as expected used to be that "Most of these migrants would go back to Western Europe anyway", using the European Union open border policy which allows leaving Lithuania westwards without any border checks.

Therefore, according to the minister of interior Saulius Skvernelis it was stipulated by the European Union institutions that illegal migrants and refugees sent to Lithuania would not be allowed to move to other European Union countries (and would be moved back to Lithuania if caught there). This will controversially mean that emigrating Lithuanians (who are free to choose their place of residence within the European Union and thus have been moving in their hundreds of thousands to Western Europe where the salaries are higher) are to be in part replaced by illegal migrants from Africa and Middle East, artificially creating a rare situation where a country (Lithuania) is both a major source of emigrating locals and a major destination for illegal migrants.

Such restrictions were put in place because although re-emigration of accepted migrants would relieve Lithuania of aforementioned problems, it would transfer "this burden" to Western European countries (which is exactly what the redistribution seeks to avoid). Moreover, it would also mean wasted resources, as the immigrants would then have little use for the taxpayer-funded "integration services" provided to them (such as Lithuanian language lessons).

Lingering memory of occupational settlements

The new measure is part of a larger relocation program that will relocate illegal migrants from Southern Europe. While many will be relocated to other Western European states, the relocation to Eastern Europe will make a bigger impact as Eastern Europe had so far very different patterns and policies on immigration and less immigration-related troubles. Almost none of the illegal African migrants previously settled there.

A common point of criticism for the "EU migrants transfer" is that this sets a dangerous precedent where immigration policies of Lithuania are dictated by powers outside Lithuania and Lithuania will likely be expected to take even more illegal migrants in the upcoming years.

The reason why it causes such a stir lies in Baltic States history. Many times occupational powers would send its own inhabitants as immigrants / settlers to Lithuania, hoping to assimilate the land. The most recent case was the Soviet settling campaign which quadrupled the Russian population share in Lithuania and also created other Russophone minorities. In Latvia and Estonia, the campaign even made the major cities Russian-speaking by 1980s. While Baltic nations made a "now or never" push for independence in the 1980s (helped by favorable international conditions) and redressed some of that afterward, the repercussions and ethnic tensions of the era are still felt today (especially in Latvia and Estonia). Estonia itself suffered rioting by its Russophone population in 2007 and has been especially wary of accepting new migrants, citing its delicate ethnic balance.

After all, despite receiving lower numbers of immigrants these years, as a result of the Soviet occupation, the northern Baltic States have some of the EU's least homogenous populations.

Major Lithuanian diplomatic retreat

While Lithuanian president Dalia Grybauskaitė showcased the decision as some kind of victory (the recently-rushed EU suggestion was the transfer of 710 migrants to Lithuania), an analysis of previous Lithuanian governmental communication show this was a major defeat under heavy EU pressure. In early 2015 Lithuania talked about accepting ~20 migrants, while several months ago the minister of interior Saulius Skvernelis still noted that "Using all its capabilities Lithuania could accept 40-50 additional migrants at maximum". Interestingly European institutions at that time suggested Lithuania to take in 207 migrants but these numbers also quickly grew.

While the refugees and illegal migrants will be nominally spread in proportion to local populations, the burden will not be equal to all the receiving countries. Hungary will not accept any, while Poland will accept half the number (per 100 000 locals) of illegal migrants and refugees Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia will have to accept.

In addition to any further EU requests to accept migrants the initial population in Lithuania is likely to also expand on itself as the initial migrants will invite friends and relatives. For example, as a historical comparison, the Somali population in Finland grew from 0 in 1990 to some 17 000 today (it began as a migration of Somali students from Soviet universities, who then attracted migrants from Somalia itself).

Western Europe exporting problems rather than solving them?

Western European countries (i.e. the Europe that was once outside the Iron Curtain) have been accused of simply "exporting the problems" instead of solving them through a sustainable effort to stop the migration.

One alternative is a program similar to Australian policy whereby migrants would be resettled in safe countries comparable in the economic situation to their countries of origin (in the EU case that could be other African countries, which would get aid in return for such pledge). Australian example showed that mere initiation of such policy would severely curb the illegal migration because most of such migrants are apparently driven by economic reasons rather than seeking refuge as per Refugee Convention. Therefore, stripped of a possibility to settle down in a richer country, they would not take a risk of migration (or would stop at the safe countries en-route rather than seeking a "rich destination"). Eastern Europe, on the other hand, is much richer than Africa (even if slightly less rich than Western Europe) and therefore not useful for such policy.

Unlike in Australia, in Europe, the illegal migrants effectively get exactly what they want (a right to reside within the "rich" European Union). Those who do not prove the race-, ethnicity- or religion-related danger they face back home (a necessity as per Refugee Convention) are usually not returned anyways. As such, migration numbers more than doubled since 2014 (and have been growing beforehand). More people attempting the journey has also led to more deaths (in numbers) at the Mediterranean Sea - exactly what the EU claims to seek to avoid by "helping the migrants in the sea".

The massive growth of illegal Mediterranean migration to European Union in the recent years. It was spurred by European decisions to help migrants at sea to reach their destinations. An easier journey and seemingly welcoming attitude increased the number of migrants and also deaths. The common criticism of current policy is that it will once again send a wrong message to the would-be illegal migrants. Sources for the graph data: LA Times,

Western European leaders may feel compelled into "exporting" part of the migrants (and not allowing them back into Western Europe) because of the rising internal pressure to combat immigration and popularity of euroskeptic parties (i.e. those against further EU integration, including common migration policies). At the same time, they may feel pressure from the local leftists to "at least accept the migrants into the EU". However, it is impossible to do both at the same time as "accepting illegal migrants into the EU" raise their flows by so much that even the internal EU "redistribution" won't be able to "relieve" the situation in Western European countries which are the original destinations of migrants.

Lithuania is so far among the most europhilic countries, with euroskeptic parties never even having been elected into parliament. It remains to be seen whether this unpopular measure (which is widely seen as having benefits to Lithuania) will cause more Lithuanians to shift their opinions (immigration-related problems tend to be a key rallying point for euroskeptic parties where these parties are strong). Such prospect makes even some of the most fervent Lithuanian supporters of European Union to hold negative opinions about the migrant transfer agreement.

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Lithuania’s only scheduled airline ends services

2015 05 22. Air Lituanica - the only remaining Lithuanian scheduled airline - has ceased operations today. It served routes from Vilnius to Paris, Berlin, Munich, Brussels, Prague, Billund, Amsterdam and Tallinn and aimed to satisfy business customers.

Initial troubles at Lithuanian aviation (2004-2009)

Air Lituanica became the 5th scheduled Lithuanian airline to fold over the course of the decade.

The main problems of Lithuanian aviation sector began in 2004 when the Lithuanian membership in the European Union opened up the Lithuanian market to foreign carriers. Latvian Air Baltic (then owned by Scandinavian SAS and Latvian government) subsequently based some aircraft in Vilnius airport and launched routes to the same destinations as Lithuanian Airlines, causing Lithuanian Airlines (a.k.a. FlyLAL) to go deep into the red and eventually fold in early 2009. Lithuanian government then refused to bail out FlyLAL (Lithuanian Airlines) by buying it out from private owners for a symbolic price (together with its debts).

Air Baltic also became detrimental, but its losses were eventually covered by Latvian government directly and through lower fees at their Riga hub (the Latvian government eventually bailed out Air Baltic by acquiring 100% stake). To make matters more controversial, soon after Lithuanian Airlines ceased operations Air Baltic also closed its hub in Vilnius, cancelling the flights and re-routing passengers via Riga. Arguably, this has allowed it to survive by filling emptied-by-crisis flights from Riga with passengers originating in Vilnius (economic downturn made other airlines wary of opening direct Vilnius routes).

While such so-called "predatory practices" are formally banned in the European Union, they are difficult to prove in the aviation sector, meaning that the court case of FlyLAL (Lithuanian Airlines) vs. Air Baltic dragged on long after FlyLAL (Lithuanian Airlines) became insolvent and ceased operations.

Attempts to re-launch a Lithuanian airline (2009-2015)

First attempt to restart Lithuanian scheduled aviation was low-cost Star 1 (2009-2010), which folded mainly due to the losses at an affiliated charter company. Air Lituanica, owned by Vilnius City Municipality, was the second attempt, launched in 2013 by mayor Artūras Zuokas on the popular idea that Vilnius lags behind other Eastern European capitals in direct investments, business conferences, and tourism, largely because of the limited accessibility by air.

Air Lituanica plane in its first months of operation in Berlin Tegel airport, ready to leave for Vilnius. The airline's livery included a Lithuanian Grand Duke's seal on the tail while name 'Lituanica' reminded of the Darius and Girėnas Transatlantic journey. ©Augustinas Žemaitis.

Air Lituanica never became profitable, however, its municipal funding marred in political disputes. After former mayor Artūras Zuokas was not re-elected, some have already claimed that Air Lituanica is doomed with the new mayor Remigijus Šimašius not willing to continue investment. More controversially, in the recent case, Air Baltic also has launched new routes from Vilnius similar to Air Lituanica routes, leading some to make the same accusations of unfair competition as during the FlyLAL - Lithuanian Airlines bankruptcy.

Does Lithuania need its own airline?

The position of Lithuanian aviation sector tends to be greatly controversial in Lithuania. While the popular claims that "Lithuania is inaccessible by air" are gross overstatements, they were nearly correct after FlyLAL bankruptcy and subsequent Air Baltic mass flight cancellations in 2009. Today Lithuania is still less accessible by air than Latvia (despite the latter having a considerably smaller population) and such accessibility may have helped Riga gain its "capital of the Baltics" image it now has in the West. Furthermore, the majority of services to Lithuania now are by low-cost carriers, which are typically frowned upon by business conference organizers and do not provide onwards connections to other continents.

Still, the aviation market is extremely hard to enter and it is unlikely a private carrier would be launched. In fact, both Estonian and Latvian air companies are government-owned, which had allowed them to pass through crisis times. However, having a government (or municipal) owned airline is costly, and starting a new one even more so.

Therefore, the main discussion in Lithuanian society is whether the government should fund such an airline (hoping that increased tourism and related tax income would compensate the costs) or whether Lithuania should remain airline-less. In this situation (to which Lithuania has returned today), flight services are provided by foreign carriers on a purely market basis. However, this has drawbacks:
1.Vilnius wouldn't be a hub and have no transfer passengers, meaning lower total numbers of passengers and therefore fewer commercially viable routes.
2.As it is usually financially viable for the airlines to operate only from their hubs or focus cities, there can be situations where no one services a potentially profitable route from Vilnius simply because there is no airline with a hub at the possible destination (or because the airline based there has a different strategy or inapplicable fleet).
3.While the European Union may have an "open skies market" within its member states, it does not apply to non-member countries, meaning they could (and sometimes do) prohibit non-Lithuanian and non-local carriers from operating routes to/from Lithuania, even if they are based in Lithuania.

There is also a "third position" on the "Lithuanian aviation question" which claims that not bailing out the well-established FlyLAL (Lithuanian Airlines) in 2009 was a mistake, but that launching a new airline now would be a far too costly and risky undertaking to invest taxpayers' money.

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First conscripts report to the Lithuanian military

2015 05 15. Lithuania's reintroduction of conscription came to its final phase as conscripts began reporting to the centers of Lithuanian armed forces as the list of those invited has been publicized by the military two days earlier.

In total, some 38 000 males between ages 19 and 26 made it to the randomly generated list (and will have to report), but only some 3 000 will be ultimately drafted to serve 9 months. Of those some 1 000 will be volunteers (who were offered higher salaries and include females as well as older people) while the rest will be chosen from young males unwilling to serve. However, tight health limitations are expected to disqualify most: some 15% of the volunteers and 70% of those unwilling to serve are usually found to be physically unfit to service for reasons such as flat feet, scoliosis, wearing strong eyeglasses, being overweight or underweight.

Lithuania had originally abolished conscription in 2008 but has reintroduced it this year in order to enlarge its military. The decision has a popular backing in the face of Russian aggression in Ukraine (and actions of the Russian leadership that indicate it still regards whole former Soviet Union as its sphere of influence). Public opinion polls suggest 51,9% support the conscription, 27,9% are against it while others are undecided.

Nevertheless, implementation of conscription has raised stir and questions. Typical issues include:

1.Conscription was reintroduced especially quickly (the law was rushed through parliament in March). Rapidly deteriorating geopolitical situation was explained to be the reason.
2.Many of the people who made it to the conscription list are contributing to the economy by working, studying and having a business, whereas many of those on the social services were left uninvited. The leftist government refused the proposal to first and foremost conscript the jobless (and those avoiding paying taxes by not declaring their job), which would have helped to solve economic problems and not to create new.
3.While the Lithuanian law protects conscripts from being fired, many Lithuanians working abroad or owning a business claimed this would not help them.
4.Lithuanians still remember practices of dedovshchina (hazing related to age, but also ethnicity, looks) prevalent in the Soviet military, asking if such practices have been surely eradicated.
5.Some Lithuanians noted that during the previous era of conscription corruption was rampant, allowing people with "connections" to avoid service (e.g. bribe a doctor to provide fake "proof of disease"). That's why a randomized lot was used now, while health is tested by military doctors and medical histories are not trusted. The list of all conscripts was posted publically online.

All in all, the Lithuanian military, which has a public confidence of over 50%, will now seek to prove to the common people that it also has what to give the conscripts and not just what to take from them.

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Kaunas Soviet symbols removed, Vilnius “struggle” continues

2015 03 05. Downtown Kaunas is currently having its final public Soviet symbols removed, in preparations for celebrating 25th anniversary of Lithuanian independence declaration. These hammer-and-sickles had been put on Aleksotas Bridge during its reconstruction of 1948.

The "legal struggle" to remove them has been long however, as the bridge had been inscribed as heritage. After a minister's decree banning protection of Soviet and Nazi German symbols the status has been reconsidered and this week construction workers are moving down the bas-reliefs one after another.

Such success of a massive campaign against the remnants of Soviet propaganda put additional attention on a similar "bridge struggle" that still rages on in Vilnius (igniting a regular media coverage equal to that of some major foreign events). The socialist statues of Žaliasis Bridge are "under fire" there - but the powers-that-be have so far defended them.

Arguements for/against Žaliasis bridge statues

Žaliasis bridge statues survived the 25 years of independence largely because some prominent architects express the view that they are pieces of architecture that should be protected, drawing similarities to Berlin Olympic Stadium and Tempelhof Airport which are held in high esteem even if built by the National socialist German regime.

The opponents, however, say the situations are extremely different. In fact, thousands of functional Stalinist buildings survive in Lithuania with no calls to demolish them. What makes Žaliasis bridge sculptures unique is that their main purpose is promoting the totalitarian communist regime and ideology, the symbols of which they bear (and there are no sculptures with Nationalsocialist swastikas in German public areas).

Žaliasis bridge in Vilnius with the sculpture of Soviet army. ©Augustinas Žemaitis.

Moreover, the opponents do not call for the destruction of the statues but rather seek to move them to Grūtas park, a repository of Soviet propaganda art which makes it accessible to everybody, yet away from the glorifying city center context. The owner of Grūtas park promised to "build a new bridge" for the sculptures.

As such, some opponents view those safeguarding the current location of the sculptures to be dishonest about their true motives, accusing them of being pro-Soviet.

For example, on 2015 02 11 the chairman of Immovable Cultural Heritage Council Romas Pakalnis resigned after his institution voted (7-to-3) to keep the heritage status of Žaliasis bridge sculptures intact (even after the minister of culture decree required otherwise). Romas Pakalnis (himself a relative of anti-Soviet partisans) claimed that he could no longer work among people who hold such beliefs. He said: "I did not expect that they would vote so but I remember how hard it was to get Baltic Way recognized as heritage. Therefore there were symptoms of what their true values are" [source].

The artistic value of the sculptures is also questioned by some as every Lithuanian artist had to produce some canonical propaganda art under Soviet occupation, meaning such art was not a product of the usual artistic independence.

There are four statue groups on Žaliasis bridge, each dedicated to a particular cherished group of the Soviet society. The most controversial one among them represents the Soviet army and even includes hammer and sickle, which is a banned symbol in Lithuania.

Žaliasis bridge sculptures are the final remaining piece of Soviet propaganda in central Vilnius. Just like Aleksotas bridge in Kaunas, Žaliasis bridge far predates the Soviet regime, but it gained its current form during post-WW2 reconstruction.

The reignited campaign against the statues

As Lithuania regained independence in 1990 the most outrageous Soviet monuments were removed: there are no more Lenins, Marxs or Kapsukas anywhere outside Grūtas park. Some Soviet army monuments remained "in limbo" however, with a part of society claiming the soldiers were merely following orders while another part pointing at murders, rapes and other atrocities perpetrated by the invading Soviet army and, last but not the least, the occupation it started.

While the propaganda monuments that remained in prime locations continued to stir regular controversy, this controversy was never massive enough to actually lead to their demolition. That's how the supporters of the "bridges symbols" even managed to list them as heritage, making the demolition harder. Opponents, unable to remove the sculptures, then attempted to "put them into context" through "additional features". Some of them were temporary (e.g. a NATO flag overshadowing the Soviet army sculpture), others permanent (e.g. a plaque with information on the Soviet occupation), yet others never completed (e.g. a suggestion to put the statues in cages).

Žaliasis bridge Soviet sculpture with a temporary flag showing Vytis charging towards it. ©Augustinas Žemaitis.

After the Russian aggression in Ukraine the calls to demolish the statues altogether became much louder once again. This is likely because an increasing part of the population no longer views the Russian occupation and dominance as an "issue of the past" (which used to be a popular view ~2005), but rather a tragedy that more and more Eastern European nations have to endure even today. A kind of "game of chess" began between institutions, where some of them seek to establish preconditions to remove the statues while others seek to curtail this.

The latter have been more successful so far. However, the tables may turn soon, as mayor Artūras Zuokas (who traditionally supported retainment of the statues) will face an uphill battle on 2015 03 15 runoff and the Immovable Cultural Heritage Council will have new members as its tenure ends.

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Lithuanian municipality election 2015 results

2015 03 02. The key part of Lithuanian municipality elections have ended and most results are already known.

All the municipality council members and 19 out of 60 mayors have been already elected. The remaining mayors will be elected in the runoffs held on 2015 03 15.

Party results

Map of the leading parties in each municipality.
©HNIT-BALTIC (map), ©Esri ArcGIS Online (system).

Both in the council and mayoral elections Socialdemocrats have prevailed, receiving 19,03% of total vote and 356 seats. However, their positions are the strongest in many rather unimportant rural municipalities and minor in the main cities.

Homeland Union (15,72% of total vote, 247 seats) won some rural councils and also many seats (but not the first place) in all the city councils, where it will likely be a part of the ruling coalition.

Liberal Movement (15,54%, 216 seats) came close behind, winning the key elections in Vilnius and Klaipėda (but a coalition will be needed in both), as well as a few rural municipalities. Liberal Movement's results are thought to be the most impressive as the party has largely consolidated once-fragmented laissez-faire voters community under its own banner.

Labour Party (8,42%, 148 seats) won the few municipalities it traditionally dominates, such as Kėdainiai, the hometown of its leader Viktor Uspaskich.

Tomaševski's caucus (Lithuania's Poles Electoral Action + Russian Alliance) (7,76%, 68 seats) once again caused southeast Lithuania to vote along ethnic lines, winning the Polish majority areas and gaining some votes from the Russian/Russophone community.

Peasants/Greens (6,82%, 138 seats) continued their traditional dominance in some particular rural municipalities where it is seen as the best representative of the local agricultural communities.

Order and Justice (5,6%, 84 seats) may be the disappointed about its result as it fell behind other parties even in its leader's Paksas's homeland Samogitia where it once prevailed and came first merely at 2 municipalities.

Freedom Union (5,09%, 57 seats) may have lost even more as the liberal voter drifted towards Liberal Movement. Another comeback attempt of Freedom Union's leader is likely unsuccessful as the party led no municipality councils.

Non-partisan electoral committees have shown up unexpectedly well (10,59% of total vote, 115 total seats), with the most well-funded ones prevailing in some key municipalities, including the cities of Kaunas, Šiauliai, Panevėžys, and Alytus. This may indicate a protest against the party system as many voters regard the parties to be either "stained in scandals" or "caring primarily about Vilnius".

Mayors and the councils of major cities

Vilnius City

In Vilnius (pop. 550 000), the most prized possession, incumbent Artūras Zuokas (Freedom Union) barely made it to the runoff with 18,36% of votes, where he will face Remigijus Šimašius (Liberal Movement, 34,53%). Zuokas has especially divided opinions about him, ranging from admiration for his "grand projects" (e.g. a municipal airline, bicycle rent and taxi services) and publicity stunts, to intense hatred of such actions as "wasteful and corrupt". Šimašius is seen as a "new face" who had made his reputation in his recent tenure as minister of justice, characterized both by modernization reforms and alleged mishandling of some major long-term issues (e.g. "giving in to lobbying effort" and paying over 100 million to an American-led Jewish organization as a "compensation for Soviet-destroyed religious properties", while such compensations were not available to any other minority nor to the local Jewish religious communities). Valdemar Tomaševski, an ethnic minority leader, has been left 3rd with 17,25% of the vote.

All three political groups will be represented in Vilnius council, with Liberal Movement gaining 26,34% (15 seats), Tomaševski's caucus 17,19% (10 seats) and Freedom Union 11,27% (6 seats). They will be joined by Homeland Union (14,74%, 8 seats), Socialdemocrats (7,86%, 4 seats), the new Lithuanian List protest party (6,23%, 4 seats) and Order and Justice (4,65%, 3 seats).

Kaunas City

In Kaunas (pop. 320 000) businessman Visvaldas Matijošaitis (electoral committee, 37,81%) has prevailed over incumbent Andrius Kupčinskas (Homeland Union, 25,22%), but a runoff will be needed. Visvaldas Matijošaitis, the owner of Vičiūnai food industry group, is among the richest people of Lithuania, which helped him fund a massive campaign. Andrius Kupčinskas is a professional politician. After completing his political studies he had a successful career, becoming mayor of Kaunas aged 32 back in 2007.

Kaunas council elections mirrored the mayoral elections, with Matijošaitis's electoral committee gaining 29,69% and Homeland Union 23,19% votes (16 and 13 seats respectively). Homeland Union percentage changed little since 2011 elections, while Matijošaitis gained his support from other parties. Socialdemocrats (8,08%, 4 seats), Liberal Movement (8,09%, 4 seats) and another electoral committee (4,69%, 3 seats) will also be represented in the council.

Klaipėda City

In Klaipėda (pop. 160 000), the popular jazz musician/mayor Vytautas Grubliauskas (Liberal Movement, 43,16%) fell short of being elected in the first round and will have to face Agnė Bilotaitė (Homeland Union, 12,08%) in the runoff. Once the youngest member of parliament and former Miss Photo Klaipėda, Agnė Bilotaitė, now 33, is a famous name for Homeland Union, but she will fight an uphill battle in the Liberal-dominated Klaipėda.

The Liberal dominance is also echoed in Klaipėda council elections where the Liberal Movement received 31,62% of votes (11 seats) and Homeland Union 12,35% (4 seats). Being a city with a strong Russian minority Klaipėda will also have many Tomaševski's representatives in the council (11,86%, 4 seats) as well as one Russian Union representative (4,15%). Socialdemocrats (8,11%, 3 seats), Order and Justice (4,38%, 2 seats) and two electoral committees (8,27% - 3 seats and 6,76% - 2 seats) will also have their councillors.

Šiauliai City

In Šiauliai (pop. 105 000) parties suffered a major blow as two non-partisan candidates will contest the runoff: Artūras Visockas (17,15%) and Valerijus Simulik (15,43%). Their respective electoral committees gained 12,76% and 11,66% votes in the Šiauliai council elections, leading to 5 and 4 seats respectivelly Socialdemocrats (17,83%), the traditional power, won the most (6) seats. Liberal Movement (11,98%, 4 seats) and Homeland Union (8,99%, 3 seats) also showed up strongly. Peasants/Greens, Labour, People's Party and Order and Justice gained 2 seats each.

Panevėžys City

In Panevėžys (pop. 100 000) the incumbent mayor Vitalijus Satkevičius (Homeland Union) chose not to contest the elections and his party offered Maurikijus Grėbliūnas instead. He came second in voting (16,03%) after architect Rytis Mykolas Račkauskas (22,65%), who represents Povilas Urbšys's electoral committee. Urbšys, a former head of local anti-corruption agency (who is now an MP), famous for solving some key cases, has amassed immense popularity in Panevėžys - which he now transformed into municipality votes. His committee also received 20,44% of votes (7 seats) in Panevėžys council election, leaving 16,49% (6 seats) for the Homeland Union, 12,21% (4 seats) for Peasants/Greens, 10,79% (4 seats) for Socialdemocrats, 6,82% (3 seats) for Labour. Liberal Movement and two additional electoral committees have also passed the threshold of 4%, gaining 2 seats each.

Vilnius District

In Vilnius district (pop. 100 000) incumbent Marija Rekst (Tomaševski's Poles' Electoral Action) triumphed once again, her 60,02% of votes precluding a runoff and holding on the post she has since 2004. Her party will continue to hold the majority in what is a minority-majority municipality (60,83% votes for Vilnius District council and 20 seats out of 30). Still, however, as Vilnius District population is rapidly growing together with the suburbanization of Vilnius, the ethnic breakdown is changing in favor of Lithuanians, meaning that in the future political life there may become more diverse. After all, back in 2011 64,72% of local residents have voted for the Poles' Electoral Action.

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Vilnius Book Fair 2015 concludes in a record

2015 02 23. Annual Vilnius International Book Fair concluded yesterday after a record 66320 people visited what is arguably the top regular intellectual event in Lithuania.

On the one hand, Vilnius Book Fair is the largest bookstore of Lithuanian books where every publishing house participates. The 4-day long "festival" is said to provide a large share of publishers' annual income as Lithuanians traditionally stock up cheaper reading material here for the entire upcoming year. There were 300 retail stalls spread over an area of 9 500 sq. m.

On the other hand, Vilnius Book Fair is also a venue of exchanging thoughts as its numerous conference rooms and halls are constantly occupied by regular "book presentations". Attended by authors, their fans, and passers-by, each crowded presentation goes well beyond the book itself, offering additional insights on the topic and related viewpoints.

Lithuanian/English book 'Medieval Lords of Lithuania' with paintings of Lithuanian medieval leaders presented by (right-to-left) its painter, sponsor, historian researchers and a military officer. Image ©Augustinas Žemaitis.

A 4,5 EUR ticket provides access to the entire day of events, making the Book Fair also a very inexpensive event per hour of entertainment.

Vilnius Book Fair tends to attract people from every social stratus. It is common to see top politicians, businessmen, and scientists mingling among the massive crowds. Some come simply to buy books, others to establish relations and participate in events, yet others give speeches or present/sell books themselves. Foreign "star-writers" are invited by local publishing houses in order to launch Lithuanian translations of their books more successfully.

The Book Fair has long since transgressed the publishing market. Stalls have been set up and presentation rooms reserved by foreign embassies, universities, religious and political organizations that also seek to share their ideas. Every year more space is added: used books hall, children hall and, since 2015, a hall for musical records with constant gigs on stage.

Needless to say, the "Litexpo" exposition palace halls get stretched beyond their limits every Book Fair. This leads to infamous traffic jams, parking on dirt, long queues and having to sit on the floor or stand throughout the popular book presentations - causing some intellectuals to avoid the Book Fair even if they would find it interesting.

The crowds walk among stalls at Vilnius Book Fair 2015. ©Augustinas Žemaitis.

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Tensions peak as Norway takes Lithuanian children

2015 02 03. The years-long tensions over the troubles many Lithuanian parents have in Norway reached new heights this week after a Lithuanian family was unsuccessful in repatriating its child from Norway to Lithuania.

In a far-from-unique case the family, living in Norway, had its child forcibly taken away by authorities (Barnevernet childcare agency) to a foster home without a comprehensive reason. Fearing for their child they decided to bring him to Lithuania (via Sweden), which Norway considered illegal and requested Swedish authorities to intervene. Sweden took the boy at a ferry to Lithuania and sent him to Norway, leading to Lithuanian diplomatic protests as the boy is a Lithuanian citizen.

Children taken away for cultural differences

With up to 15% of Lithuanian population emigrated to Western Europe (50 000 of them to Norway), the attitudes of authorities there directly affect many Lithuanian families. The strict Norwegian child-rearing laws that leave little for parental discretion have been especially reviled.

Such laws disproportionately affect immigrants, whose culture and parenting philosophies differ from the Norwegian one. For example, Indian children have been separated from family by Norwegian authorities because their parents slept in the same bed and fed them with bare hands (both are the usual cultural practice in India) [source]. Similar situations affecting their nationals led to diplomatic protests by India, Russia, the Czech Republic and other countries while now Lithuanian diplomacy has also intervened, although the intervention is locally criticised as far too lenient.

Lithuanian child-rearing system is generally far more libertarian than the Norwegian one and the education system more competitive, oriented towards knowledge and laboriousness. Norwegian system, on the other hand, puts far more emphasis on making the children more similar to each other ("overcoming" the gender, ethnicity, and other differences).

This is enforced so strictly that children could be taken to foster homes if they eat at home (before/after school/kindergarten) instead of having lunch together with classmates. According to the Lithuanian embassy in Norway, telling a child to do household chores, not making him/her wear winter clothing deemed "warm enough" and even "not buying him/her a toy" could lead to at least temporary removal of a child from a family.

Norway's immigrants also claim indirect discrimination as they tend to be more closely watched by the authorities with any "deviation" in child's behavior blamed on parents and a possible reason for taking the child away.

Barnevernet has been ignoring Lithuanian childcare authorities in requests for cooperation, while the embassy possibilities to help are limited. In a recent interview, even the Lithuanian first secretary to Norway suggested that the parents "could leave Norway and [should] do so quickly" if their child is with them at the time despite the recent problems with Barnevernet. The embassy confirms that leaving the country would not be impeded.

Facts and conspiracy theories

The view of some childcare specialists who support Barnavernet work is that it is a natural continuation of increasing children's rights and "progressive values". The opposing view, popular outside Norway, claims that such "social engineering" policies are overprotective and severely breach children rights on themselves.

Discrimination accusations aside, even if the goodwill of all childcare workers would be assumed, the child is usually left traumatized after being suddenly transferred from his/her parents to an unknown family or foster home of different culture. In comparison, Lithuanian adoption system (and the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child) prefers adoption / foster care within the same group of relatives or at least the same ethnic, religious and linguistic community. The calls of Lithuanian authorities to transfer children from Norway to their relatives in Lithuania have been ignored, however.

Norwegian policies have been called "state-sponsored kidnappings" in Lithuanian media editorials which have also accused Norway of seeking to "increase its population this way". Some rich Norwegians prefer adoption to giving birth, while the legalization of same-sex marriages increased the number of couples that could adopt children but not conceive them naturally (in one of the most-publicised cases a Lithuanian kid taken by Barnevernet was adopted by a lesbian couple).

Furthermore, adoption is claimed to be a big industry in whole Western Europe, with a private consultation and legal help services effectively allowing to choose a child from catalogs "based even on eye color". Foster parents are said to receive a Norwegian state support of ~4000 USD a month.

While some of these claims may be overtly suspicious, others are hard to deny or disprove. Even though the Norwegian courts have largely sided with Barnevernet in controversial cases, they still awarded 220 000 000 USD in compensation payments to children abused by the Barnevernet itself. A 2005 report by United Nations has criticized Norway on the issue. The total number of children that were either removed from parents or faced temporary restrictions in Norway is believed to be at ~61 000 in the past 5 years, which amounts to ~6% of the total under-18 population and is an exceptionally large number for an upheaval-free society.

Stories that shock Lithuania

Here are just a few of the emotional stories that now dominate Lithuanian media and cause Lithuanians to write hundreds of comments in social media (names removed):

*In the recent case where a Lithuanian child has been returned from Sweden to Norway, the mother informed a doctor about the problems her child have with increased urination. Doctor suspected a psychological problem, which automatically involves Barnevernet. Having put the family on watch the Barnevernet later noted that this child missed two days at school as he visited his relatives in Lithuania. After complaints from school, the child was taken away from family. The main reason given for not returning the child in later stages was the "danger that the child will be returned to Lithuania". [source]

*In another case, Norwegian authorities taken a child from a Lithuanian family without a warning giving the sole reason that incorrect parental care was reported by unspecified people. The mother, who initially cooperated with the Norwegian authorities hoping to return her child, was even told by the Barnevernet officials that they now believed she is a good mother, but the court decision (adopted 1,5 months after the child was taken away) could not be reversed. Having lost hope the mother illegally took back her child after 1 year and repatriated to Lithuania. The child was left especially traumatized by the experience. [source]

*Norwegian authorities took a child from a mixed Lithuanian-Norwegian family. The Lithuanian wife came under Barnevernet investigation after she confessed a doctor while being pregnant that she used to visit a psychologist in the past after a shock of finding a person close to her dead. After the baby was born the family was told to live in a purposeful "family home" for a month. The child was finally taken away after the Norwegian husband was attacked on street one evening and the family called doctors. The Barvernevet claimed that the wife may have beaten the husband, even though there was never any formal accusations or investigation. After unsuccessful attempts to return their kid through Norwegian courts the family vowed to continue the legal battle up to the European Court of Human Rights (if needed) and expressed hopes to move to Lithuania after getting their child back. [source]

*A Lithuanian family was informed by Barnevernet that their daughter won't be coming back from school as she was put in foster care. The reasons claimed by Barnevernet included violence, alcoholism, and even cult membership. It turned out Barnevernet was told these allegations by father-in-law's wife because there had been a long animosity between the two families. Barnevernet, however, acted on the claims without investigating them as they were made by a close relative. While the family was later able to prove the stories as false, Barnevernet still did not return their daughter, alleging the family was forcing her to "learn too much". The reason for this: the girl was learning native Lithuanian language in addition to Norwegian school programs. Seeing (during the short allowed meetings) that their daughter was moved among multiple foster parents and traumatized, the family successfully illegally taken her back and returned to Lithuania in a single 3500 drive, even though they had a house in Trondheim and thought to stay there permanently. Ironically, the mother worked 20 years in a Lithuanian kindergarten and planned to do the same in Norway. [source]

In the online discussions, many Lithuanians show sympathy for the families affected, blaming the authorities. Some, however, suggest that such situations would become rarer if migrant parents would carefully study the local parenting regulations and then either follow them rigorously or move to another country.

Libertarian parenting enjoys Lithuanian support

The authoritarian Norwegian "child-rearing law" has effectively mobilized many thousands of Lithuanians to fight for maintaining the current libertarian child-rearing policy in Lithuania itself, fearing a gradual introduction of the "Norwegian system" that they see as discriminatory, bureaucratic, totalitarian, wasteful, unjustly limiting parental discretion and contrary to child's well-being.

The largest numbers of activist articles appeared after some Lithuanian politicians made moves to ban corporal punishment and children walking outside alone (both ideas imported from Western Europe).

The latter proposal contradicts the usual practice where city children walk alone to schools from ~8 years old; this is generally safe and thought by many parents to help a child learn to be independent. Moreover, the limits of parental discretion create further burdens on parents, which are already large enough to make some Lithuanians reconsider having children, leading to sub-replacement birth rates.

The critics also point out that the Barnevernet was also initially established in the 1950s to combat corporal punishment in Norway but eventually started curbing various non-standard upbringing practices even if there is no scientific evidence of them being harmful.

Lithuanian children's rights agencies do take children from truly abusive parents, but other than that parents are allowed to set their own system of rearing and educating children. The prevailing belief is that most parents know their own child the best and may decide what is the best for him/her. Equally prevailing is a distrust in state childcare institutions, where a human relation is thought to be unavoidably replaced by a dehumanized and traumatizing bureaucratic relation.

While, for example, in the United Kingdom a local family has recently been fined for spending schooltime traveling [source] (and in Norway, similar cases led to taking children to foster care), in Lithuania such parental practice is permitted and common. It would only cause a stir if the child would fall behind his/her peers and be unable to catch up, but even then the teachers would likely seek to talk to parents instead of fining them, let alone taking their child away.

A boy taken away for speaking only Lithuanian

While the problems of Lithuanian families in Norway are best known, relatively authoritarian child-rearing laws exist in some other Western European societies.

In another much-publicized case the United Kingdom childcare authorities took a Lithuanian child from his family because he "did not speak good enough English at the age of 3" (which supposedly meant parental neglect).

Such case seems to be especially baffling for Lithuanians as in Lithuania ethnic minorities even have schools that use their native languages as the medium of instruction (and learning the official language for non-natives is not expected that early).

In Western European countries such as France such concessions to non-native speakers would be unthinkable. While they are now used to racial and religious differences, linguistic differences are new in many places as previously the immigrants used to come from the former colonies, having a good command of official languages.

The recent wave of Eastern European migrants (among them Lithuanians) that are not fluent in local languages claim discrimination and negative stereotypes against them in Western Europe. They also note lack of protection from such intolerance compared to what the other immigrant communities enjoy. Many of the childcare-related cases specified in this article may be related to such prejudices, but "anti-Lithuanian discrimination" simply lacks the headline value "antisemitism" or "racism" has, leading to little interest from non-Lithuanian media or politicians.

Such situations have made an increasing number of Lithuanians to question the Western European human rights practices, which they had seen as an undisputable model throughout much of the post-1990 period. After all, the Lithuanian-style children rights and linguistic minority rights (developed during the nation's multiethnic, multireligious and multicultural history) may be more "liberal", "humane" and "inclusive" than many Western European counterparts.

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Lithuanian municipal election candidates finalized

2015 01 29. [Newer info on results of elections available here] Final candidate lists have been approved for 2015 03 01 municipal elections when Lithuanians will elect municipal councils and mayors.

People will vote for one of the suggested candidate lists (mostly partisan) and mark numbers of the politicians within that list they prefer. The lists that will receive the most votes will win seats and these seats will be taken by politicians from those lists that were marked by most voters.

On a separate ballot, people will also vote for mayors.

Lithuanian citizens living abroad may not participate in the municipal elections but (as per European Union requirements) foreign citizens living in Lithuania may participate.

Major parties

Three political parties listed candidates in all 60 municipalities are: Homeland Union (centrist conservative), Socialdemocrats (leftist), Liberal Movement (laissez-faire).

Other main parties that listed candidates in 30-59 municipalities are: Labour (personal), Order and Justice (personal), Freedom Union - Liberals (limited laissez-faire) and Peasants/Greens (localist / agriculturalist).

The three main cities are dominated by centrist/rightist thought, therefore battles between the Homeland Union and both Liberal factions are likely. In most smaller municipalities leftist and personal parties are likely to prevail. Peasants/Greens are especially strong in rural locations.

Minor parties and Electoral committes

In addition to these parties 16 smaller parties listed their candidates in 1-15 municipalities each. Most of them contest main cities where there are more citizens and more diverse political life. With a 4% threshold applicable everywhere however being elected will not be an easy deal.

Minority rights (Polish and Russian) parties may be luckier in the regions with strong ethnic minorities (Eastern Lithuania and Klaipėda city). Lithuanian Poles' Electoral Action is the strongest minority party, dominating several municipalities for decades. A few non-ethnic parties also have their strongholds, such as Center Party in Varėna.

In General, the number of minor party lists has decreased. Some parties no longer even contest the municipalities they have won seats at the previous elections (2011).

One of the reasons may be that the first time in Lithuanian municipal elections non-partisan Electoral committees have been allowed to participate alongside parties. Some politicians, including a few well-known figures, have drifted to such committees, draining the parties. Electoral committees are established to propose candidates in a single election in a single municipality. Most municipality ballots will offer at least a single Electoral committee list.

The Electoral committees and minor parties will be disadvantaged, however. They are ineligible to taxpayer-paid air time on radio and TV (which will be available to the major parties that have their candidates in 30+ municipalities). The ability to privately fund political advertisement is restricted in Lithuania and many electoral committees / minor parties would not have the resources needed anyway, meaning it will be hard for them to convey their proposals to the people.

That said, several Electoral committees have been endorsed by famous businessmen and their posters are already available in the respective cities in comparable numbers to those of major parties.

Mayoral elections

These elections will be the first when mayors will be directly elected. A separate ballot will be used for that and in case no single candidate in that municipality would receive 50%+ votes then runoffs would be held at 2015 03 15.

Mayoral seats in the major cities are especially contested, with Vilnius mayor seat the most prized possession. So-much-so that out of 6 defeated candidates in 2014 presidential elections 3 have returned this year to seek to become Vilnius mayor (total number of candidates: 12).

In some minor municipalities mayoral elections garnered much less attention. For example, there are merely 3 candidates willing to be mayor of Rietavas.

Lithuanian politics specialists are intrigued not only by the voting results at mayoral elections but also by post-elections situation. While there have been suggestions to alter mayoral powers, for now, they have remained largely unchanged and modelled on the previous electoral system where the mayor was elected by municipality council and thereby always shared political beliefs with the ruling majority. This raises a question how will the situation unfold if the voters would elect mayor and council majority from different political powers.

However, nearly all Lithuanian municipalities are ruled by coalitions anyways, so a cooperation between different political groupings is a daily business.

List of participating parties

This list of participating parties includes the number of municipalities they contest ("Lists"), the number of municipalities they contested in previous elections ("Lists (2011)") and the number of seats they won back then ("2011 Seats").

The leftist/rightist policy and western/eastern/local valuea divisions and are explained in the article "Political ideas", while conventional/personal/minority party type division is explained in the article "Politics in Lithuania".

Party name Type Policy Values Lists Lists (2011) 2011 seats Strongholds Key figures
Socialdemocrats Conventional Leftist Western/ Eastern 60 60 328 Towns and villages Butkevičius, Kirkilas
Homeland Union Conventional Centrist Western/ Local 60 59 249 Cities and towns Landsbergis, Kubilius, Degutienė
Labour Personal n/a n/a 58 59 165+67 Towns and villages Uspaskich, Gapšys, Graužinienė
Order and Justice Personal n/a n/a 57 60 155 Samogitia Paksas, Mazuronis, Gražulis
Peasants/Greens Conventional Leftist Local 51 46 147 Rural areas Karbauskis, Ropė
Freedom Union Conventional Rightist Western 31 51 126+12 Vilnius, cities Zuokas
Liberal Union Conventional Rightist Western 60 58 98 Klaipėda, cities Gentvilas, Šimašius
Poles Electoral Action Minority rights n/a n/a 13 8 65 Southeast Lithuania Tomaševski
Center Party Conventional Centrist Local 4 9 19 Varėna area Ozolas
People's Party Conventional Leftist Eastern 7 24 7 Eastern Lithuania Prunskus, Prunskienė
Young Lithuania Conventional Centrist Local 2 7 4 Kaunas Buškevičius
Russian Alliance Minority rights n/a n/a 7 4 3 Klaipėda
Russian Union Minority rights n/a n/a 3 3 3 Vilnius
Samogitian party Minority rights n/a n/a 2 9 3 Samogitia

Newly participating parties that field 3 or more lists will be the Greens (7 lists, leftist western), Way of Courage (5 lists, protest party), Lithuanian List (3 lists, protest party), Tautininkai (3 lists, leftist local).

Several parties that won seats have not returned at this election. The New Union and Christian party have integrated into the Labor party, A. Zuokas coalition has integrated into the Freedom Union whereas the far left pro-Eastern Socialist People's Front decided not to partake in these elections.

Full lists of candidates are available at the official website of State Electoral Office.

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Klaipėda Liquid Gas Terminal begins operation

2015 01 01. Today Klaipėda Liquid Gas Terminal officially begins pumping gas into the Lithuanian gas network.

The Liquid Gas Terminal, officially completed in December 2014, is one of the largest infrastructure developments of independent Lithuania. It has been designed to provide Lithuania an ability to import gas from other sources than Russia. Before this year, Lithuania was completely dependent on Russia for its gas imports as all the Lithuanian gas import pipes came from the east.

While the costs of the Liquid Gas Terminal (which were paid by Lithuanian taxpayers alone as the European Union did not support it) caused some discussions when the project was initially announced 4 years ago, most doubts dissipated as Russia's policies against its neighbors (e.g. Ukraine) became more aggressive in late 2013. This made the Liquid Gas Terminal one of the few Lithuanian governmental projects that did not suffer severe delays, controversies or cost overruns related to political battles (unlike, for example, the Visaginas Nuclear Power Plant project).

Klaipėda Liquid Gas Terminal consists of relatively minor immovable infrastructure and a large perpetually moored ship named "Independence". The usual operation of the Terminal includes pumping gas from the arriving gas tankers into "Independence" and then into the gas network.

Klaipėda Liquid Gas Terminal under construction in summer, 2014. Before the ship 'Independence' arrived the terminal was little visible. ©Augustinas Žemaitis.

The Terminal was expected to cost ~55 000 000 EUR annually to operate until 2025, decreasing to ~38 000 000 EUR in period 2026-2039 as the ship and credit will be paid off. This should make 1%-3% of the total gas price in Lithuania. However, the Terminal is expected to ensure better gas prices either directly (if Lithuania would import gas from non-Russian sources) or indirectly (as Russia is forced to decrease the previous above-market rates facing new competition).

Moreover, the Terminal makes Lithuania no longer susceptible to a possible gas embargo by Russia. Together with Būtingė Oil Terminal (completed in 1999) and future high tension power lines to Poland and Sweden, Klaipėda Liquid Gas Terminal forms part of the "Energetic independence (from Russia)" goal (also known as "Energetic security"), widely adopted across the Lithuanian political spectrum.

The Terminal is owned by a company "Klaipėdos Nafta" which is 72,32% owned by the Lithuanian government.

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Lithuanian currency Litas replaced by Euro

2015 01 01. Since today the official currency of Lithuania is Euro, and after two more weeks, Litas will no longer be accepted in stores. Euro is also the legal tender in 18 more European countries. 3,4528 Litas will be converted to a single Euro.

In the upcoming two weeks both Euro and Litas will be accepted but change will be given in Euros alone. This made some small businesses to temporarily close their doors to avoid a hard-to-manage dual-currency circulating capital and accounting.

Litas could be freely converted into Euro at every post office and credit union until 2015 03 01, in every bank until 2015 06 30 (banknotes until 2015 12 31) while the Central Bank will convert Litas indefinitely.

The decision to adopt Euro

The quick adoption of Euro has garnered some controversy as the majority Lithuanians have opposed according to most polls (although recent polls show that a massive governmental pro-Euro PR campaign raised support to 53%). A group of Lithuanians sought to initiate a referendum on the issue back in 2014, but this has been blocked by the Constitutional Court of Lithuania, which generally ruled that such transfer of sovereignty to the European Union (EU) could not be questioned by the people of Lithuania.

The adoption of Euro was supported by most major Lithuanian political parties, although some politicians sought for a later adoption date, more public consultations or negotiations for alternative adoption terms (such suggestions have not been approved).

The commonly cited advantages and disadvantages of the common European Union currency Euro are:

Advantages of Euro

*Lithuanians will no longer need to exchange currency when travelling to other states that use Euro as their currency. Likewise, tourists from those countries will not need to change currency when in Lithuania. Bank transfers would also become simpler.

*The international businesses that imports from or exports to the Euro-using countries will save on currency conversion costs.

*The Lithuanian sovereign debt interest rates are expected to be lower. This is seen as a double-edged sword, however, as lower interest tends to incite government to borrow more for consumption rather than for investments (as happened in Greece after it adopted the Euro), which may have tragic consequences during the financial downturn.

*Lithuanians will supposedly "become more European". As a common theme in the regular government-funded pro-EU propaganda campaigns, further Lithuania's integration into EU (including the adoption of Euro) is promoted as a necessary step for the long-term foreign policy goal of "leaving the East and (re)joining the West".

All the Euro banknotes and the obverse of Euro coins are the same all over Europe (and lack any Lithuanian words or Lithuania-related details). The reverse of coins however could vary among countries; the Lithuanian version features Vytis coat of arms (which was also featured on Litas coins).

Disadvantages of Euro

*Massive costs of adopting a new currency. The cost to change currency will be, according to the government estimate, 1 billion Litas + 8,5 billion Litas pledge to the Euro Financial Stability fund (in comparison, the planned total expenses of Lithuanian state budget in year 2014 were 37,6 billion Litas). Additionally, Lithuanian Central Bank has to transfer its assets to the European Central Bank. Massive costs are also incurred by private businesses (e.g. in updating accounting software and hardware). The optimistic governmental scenario hopes that the advantages of Euro would help recoup the costs several times on a longer term. In reality however while the expenses have been already incurred or will be incurred soon, any long term advantages are speculative as they depend on the overall economic situation of other European Union countries (which has recently been unfavorable).

*By adopting Euro Lithuania has lost the possibility to conduct its own monetary policy. As the recent crisis has shown the economy of different countries using Euro differs greatly. Some countries may need their currency to depreciate to encourage exports, while the success of others (e.g. Germany) make Euro appreciate, damaging the economy in the former (e.g. Greece). However, in the recent years Litas was anyways pegged to Euro even though this may have hampered Lithuania during the crisis (as other unpegged currencies, especially the Polish Zloty, deprecated against Litas and Euro, making Lithuanians visit foreign countries for shopping). That said, by adopting Euro Lithuania will lose the ability to unpeg its currency if the market needs would so dictate. Reissuance of Litas would be expensive and could lead to currency speculations and capital flight (similar concerns were among the reasons why the troubled Southern European countries chose not to abandon Euro).

*Lithuania will be obliged to support Euro-using countries in dire straits. Lithuanian economy is healthy as Lithuania chose to combat recession through curbing expenses, making Lithuania unlikely to need a bailout itself. On the other hand, the nations that have recently needed a bailout (e.g. Greeks) actually are significantly richer in terms of personal income than Lithuanians and their main problem was the unwillingness to accept lower wages and payouts that would be compatible with state productivity (and help reduce their debts). This has created a belief in Lithuania that during such troubles the poorest Euro-using countries (the Baltic States) would be obliged to help fund the richer ones (e.g. Southern Europe) so that those richer countries would not be forced to decrease expenses to the level common in states such as Lithuania.

*Litas, a major ubiquitous symbol of the nation will leave the eyesights of Lithuanians and visitors of Lithuania. Other Lithuanian symbols that have gone due to the European Union membership were Lithuanian-flagged car licence plates, whereas Lithuanian passport now has words "European Union" printed above "Republic of Lithuania" and the Lithuanian tricolor is usually waved alongside EU flag at the institutions. This may be seen as an unnecessary loss of Lithuanian identity, while some Lithuanians even draw comparisons with the Soviet occupation when currency, flags and licence plates were also identical all over the Union.

The Litas banknotes depicted heroes of Lithuanian national revival (obverse) and the famous sights of Lithuania (reverse). First issued in 1993 the modern Litas survived the 23 years as a stable currency without hyperinflations or devaluations (unlike its predecessors Soviet Rouble and Talonas). ©Augustinas Žemaitis.

Euro to inflate prices?

The most common fear of new currency is that it will make prices inflate. Lithuania created tight laws and bylaws controlling price conversion to avoid this tarnishing the reputation of Euro.

However, many prices have been increased before the adoption of Euro or likely be increased afterwards. For example, prices in many Vilnius cafes and restaurants have been already raised so that they would be rounded when converted into Euros (e.g. something that had cost 5 Lt may have had its price changed to 6,91 Lt ~mid-2014 so that it would become 2 Euros since today).

Estonian example (which adopted Euro in 2011 01 01) shows that prices have increased some time after the adoption of Euro as well. For instance, while a Big Mac still cost ~2,15 EUR in Estonia in June 2011, the price have reached ~2,75 EUR by June 2013 (the Big Mac price increase in the other EU countries, both Eurozone and non-Eurozone, was smaller) [source: The Economist].

That said, the prices within Eurozone itself vary greatly depending on economic differences, so it is unlikely that prices in Lithuania would reach the price level of Western Europe anytime soon.

You have more thoughts on the advantages and disadvantages of Euro? You can share them in comments.

A longer analysis of Lithuanian-European Union relations is available here.

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Interwar Kaunas to be styled European Heritage

2014 12 20. Interwar architecture of Kaunas has been recommended by an independent panel as one of 16 sites to receive the new status of European Heritage. European Heritage is a new initiative somewhat similar to Unesco World Heritage - a designation that Kaunas municipality has also expressed to seek.

The 1934 museum building and carillion tower in Vienybės square of Kaunas. ©Augustinas Žemaitis.

After Polish forces have captured Vilnius in 1920, Kaunas was named a temporary capital of Lithuania. In the next 20 years Kaunas was transformed from an outback military city into a modern capital. Therefore stately buildings of the era (inspired by art deco, Bauhaus and other contemporary movements) make up an exceptionally large proportion of architecture in central Kaunas (boroughs of New Town and Žaliakalnis).

Among the sixteen other recommended heritage two more are related to Lithuania: the Union of Lublin and the May 3 constitution of Poland-Lithuania (both submitted by Poland). The second Lithuanian submission (Vilnius university) has been turned down by the independent panel.

Pienocentras HQ in Kaunas. ©Augustinas Žemaitis.

European Commission will take a formal decision on new European Heritage in February, but it is likely to follow recommendations of the independent panel.

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